CIVICUS discusses civil society and the prospects for democracy in Venezuela with Luz Mely Reyes, co-founder and director of Efecto Cocuyo, a media outlet that reports on the reality and struggles of Venezuelan communities.

On 3 January, a US military intervention culminated in the arrest and extradition of President Nicolás Maduro, who had stayed in power after refusing to recognise the results of the July 2024 election, which was won by the opposition. However, power did not pass on to the elected president, Edmundo González, who remains in exile, but to Maduro’s vice-president, Delcy Rodríguez, under a pact that preserves the interests of the military leadership, ruling party and presidential family. Hopes for a restoration of democracy are fading in the face of a process that is prioritising economic and social control.

What has changed in Venezuela since 3 January?

People in Venezuela describe some changes, particularly regarding expectations.

There’s a sense of moderate optimism in response to announcements of a possible easing of US sanctions and the possibility for Venezuela to once again sell oil at international prices, which could improve national revenue. The release of political prisoners has also had a significant impact. Although many remain in prison, more than 300 releases have been verified.

Each release represents enormous relief for a whole family. Given that for every person imprisoned there are at least four family members directly affected, we are talking about thousands of lives marked by these detentions.

Some people feel that a small window of hope has opened. For instance, media have been able to cover the mobilisation of political prisoners’ relatives, something that until recently was simply unthinkable. It’s a minimal opening, but symbolically important.

However, mistrust persists. Released political prisoners are not fully free, as court cases against them remain open and they are often released under precautionary measures, which means they still risk being returned to prison. The policy of arbitrary detention has not been formally dismantled. As long as there’s a possibility the criminal justice system will continue to be used as a tool of political control, these gestures will be perceived as partial and reversible.

What are the obstacles against dismantling the repressive apparatus?

The obstacles are enormous. For years, the foundations of democracy were systematically weakened: the powers of the judicial and legislative branches of government were eroded, the media ecosystem was destroyed and a system of impunity was consolidated. Repression reached very high levels following the electoral fraud of July 2024, carried out mainly by police forces and armed civilian groups under the direct control of the Ministry of the Interior.

Dismantling this system requires rebuilding the judiciary to ensure due process guarantees, restoring fundamental freedoms such as freedom of expression and regaining trust in institutions. All this must happen in the midst of a severe humanitarian emergency, with millions of people unable to meet their basic needs, which makes institutional reconstruction even more complex.

The repressive architecture of the state remains intact following the 3 January intervention. Rodríguez has long been part of that structure, so it’s difficult to imagine that her rise to power could represent a fundamental change in the authoritarian way of exercising power. The support she has received from Donald Trump for a stabilisation period is a political fact Venezuelan society will have to deal with. But from a critical civil society perspective, we are not seeing a democratic transition but rather a rearrangement at the top of the power structure.

How are civil society movements reorganising, and what should the next steps be?

The context continues to be marked by turmoil and uncertainty, but different parts of society are beginning to reorganise themselves.

Human rights organisations, relatives of political prisoners, student unions and some economic sectors are attempting to reorganise. Political parties however remain severely weakened after years of persecution, exile of leaders and lack of resources. The situation remains unstable, but there are clear efforts to rebuild spaces for collective action.

If it wants to demonstrate its willingness to lead a liberalisation process, in the coming weeks the government should restore fundamental freedoms, repeal repressive laws such as the Anti-Hate Law, move towards a genuine amnesty and put an end to arbitrary detentions. At the same time, civil society should create a broad space for dialogue that includes associations, parties, social organisations and trade unions to agree on a path to transition.

Any sustainable solution must be based on a process of transitional justice that guarantees truth, reparation and non-repetition. Reconciliation is not possible through forgetting, but justice will only be legitimate if it’s exercised in accordance with due process, making sure the desire for justice doesn’t turn into revenge.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.