CIVICUS discusses ongoing repression in Southeast Asia with Phil Robertson, director of Asia Human Rights and Labor Advocates.

On 7 January 2025, former Cambodian opposition member of parliament Lim Kimya was assassinated in Bangkok, Thailand’s capital. Lim, a vocal critic of Cambodia’s ruling party, advocated democratic reforms despite receiving serious threats. His killing highlighted the suppression of Cambodia’s political opposition and the precarious situation of exiled activists in Thailand. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights, a regional network of current and former parliamentarians, condemned the murder and called on Thai authorities to conduct thorough investigations and bring those responsible to justice. The organisation also urged the international community to protect political exiles and human rights defenders across Southeast Asia.

Who was Lim Kimya and what was he working on when he was assassinated?

Lim Kimya was a French and Cambodian citizen who spent much of his career in France as a civil servant and was married to a French woman. Upon returning to Cambodia, in 2013 he joined the opposition Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) and won a seat in parliament.

He soon became a vocal activist, calling for accountability from the Cambodian government. After the CNRP was dissolved in 2017, Lim chose to remain in Cambodia rather than flee, and continued his work to expose government corruption, inadequate public services and human rights abuses, particularly in relation to land and forest issues.

Lim’s uncompromising stance and courage in speaking truth to power likely led to his assassination. The immediate suspect, a former Thai marine, was arrested in Battambang after fleeing across the border, and then sent back to Thailand. He now awaits trial. But the question of who ordered the killing remains unresolved. Pich Kimsrin, a passenger on the bus Lim and his wife were riding on shortly before he was gunned down, is a member of a Cambodian family with close ties to the ruling Cambodian People’s Party. Another suspect is Ly Ratanakraksmey, a former CNRP activist who defected to the government in 2018 and is known to have exposed opposition figures in exile. Ly was formally appointed as an advisor to then Prime Minister Hun Sen. Despite these links, the Cambodian government has done little but apprehend the Thai suspect.

How does Lim ‘s assassination reflect broader patterns of repression in Cambodia?

Lim’s murder exemplifies the regime’s growing use of aggressive tactics to silence dissent, both domestically and internationally. It has drawn inspiration from other authoritarian states, such as China and Vietnam, to implement transnational repression. Hun Sen maintained close relationships with influential figures in neighbouring countries, including Thailand’s former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, fostering regional cooperation to persecute dissidents.

Lim’s assassination highlights how such alliances have turned once-safe havens for political exiles into dangerous territories. With Hun Sen’s son, Hun Manet, now in power, repression continues, targeting opposition figures who expose government corruption and human rights abuses from exile.

Why has Thailand become dangerous for political exiles?

Thailand has shifted from a refuge for political dissidents to a hostile environment due to its increasing collaboration with authoritarian regimes in the region. This shift began after the National Council for Peace and Order military coup in 2014 and has persisted despite the transition to civilian rule in 2023. Former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s return to Thailand through political compromises has further eroded protections for exiles.

Lim’s assassination has increased fear among Cambodian opposition figures. Thailand’s forced deportation of refugees to Cambodia in November and threats to send Uyghurs back to China is only making it worse. Such actions reflect a blatant disregard for human rights and encourage authoritarian regimes to target dissidents abroad without facing consequences.

What role should regional and international institutions play in protecting political exiles?

A key problem is Thailand’s refusal to recognise the United Nations (UN) Refugee Convention, which means that refugees do not have legal protections. Despite being a member of the UN Human Rights Council, Thailand makes little effort to uphold human rights standards for refugees. International bodies have largely failed to hold it accountable, allowing violations to continue. Exiles forced to return to their home countries often face severe consequences, including long prison sentences, torture and enforced disappearance.

International institutions should therefore apply greater pressure on Thailand to ratify the UN Refugee Convention and establish domestic legal protections for refugees. Enhanced monitoring and intervention by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and other human rights organisations are essential. New mechanisms should also be created to ensure the safe resettlement of refugees to other countries. Actions such as Thailand’s possible deportation of Uyghurs and refoulement of Cambodian refugees must lead to serious diplomatic repercussions that will discourage further Thai government violations. Without significant reforms in Thailand, the cycle of repression and impunity in the region is likely to continue.