CIVICUS discusses gender-based violence (GBV) and femicides in Malawi with Tisekere Kelsie Kang’oma, Admin and Operations Officer at The Youth Agenda, a civil society organisation that works to protect and promote young people’s access to economic, political and social opportunities.

In July 2026, a report by Malawi’s Parliamentary Women’s Caucus identified major barriers to enforcing laws against GBV, including limited survivor-support services, staff and transport shortages and gaps in reporting systems. Two months earlier, the Ministry of Gender, Children, Disability and Social Welfare had reported a 36.9 per cent cut in funding for GBV prevention and awareness. By its estimate, K500 million (approx. US$287,000) is needed to sustain these efforts nationwide.

How bad is GBV in Malawi?

GBV in Malawi is a national crisis, and over the past year and a half it has turned deadly. It takes the form of physical, sexual, emotional and economic abuse in homes, workplaces and public spaces, as well as harmful practices that restrict women’s and girls’ freedom, opportunities and safety.

A series of killings has brought the crisis into sharp focus. In September, Tathokoza Salimu, a 31-year-old bank worker, was found dead in her car. Dr Victoria Bobe and Dr Atughanile Chomo were killed in Blantyre, Malawi’s commercial hub, eight months apart. In July, Habiba Osman, executive secretary of the Malawi Human Rights Commission, wrote that the killing of women ‘spares no district, age group, profession or circumstance’.

As a young Malawian woman working with young people, I know women who plan every journey, weigh every word and think twice before leaving a relationship or asserting their independence. No woman should have to live this way. Safety is a right, not a privilege.

What do the figures show, and what’s driving the violence?

The Ministry of Gender recorded 24,467 reported GBV cases in 2025, 22,312 involving women and girls. That’s up from 20,827 in 2022, though slightly down from around 24,900 in 2024. But fewer reports don’t necessarily mean progress. Fear, stigma and distrust of the system keep many survivors from coming forward.

Two things – more violence and greater visibility – are happening at once. Awareness campaigns, community structures and hotlines are helping more survivors speak out, which is positive. But I don’t believe better reporting alone explains the rise since 2022.

The deeper drivers are economic and social. Patriarchal norms still reinforce men’s perceived right to control women’s bodies, movements and money. Violence is often dismissed as a ‘family matter’. Poverty and economic dependency can trap women in abusive relationships, and rising living costs can intensify household tensions. Alcohol and drug abuse can fuel violence, though they never excuse it.

Impunity is another major driver. When perpetrators face few consequences, there’s little to deter further abuse. It can enable extreme violence, including killings. Online threats and harassment silence women who speak out, adding another layer of risk.

How has the government responded, and what gaps persist?

The government has built a meaningful framework. Malawi has strong laws, including the Prevention of Domestic Violence Act and the Gender Equality Act, and has ratified global and regional treaties such as the Maputo Protocol, the African Union’s women’s rights treaty. There are also national plans of action on GBV. The government has supported police victim support units, one-stop centres and coordination with civil society and development partners. Every year it takes part in the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence, and the Ministry of Gender has convened national platforms such as the GBV Learning, Innovation and Action Symposium 2026.

These steps matter, and I want to acknowledge them. But they haven’t matched the scale of the crisis. As the Minister of Gender has admitted, the problem lies in weak enforcement, limited access to services and accountability gaps. Funding remains too low, services too thin and the response too often reactive, driven by outrage after high-profile killings rather than sustained prevention.

In practice, services are concentrated in urban areas, leaving women in remote villages hours away from clinics, courts and police stations. Under-resourced courts and police delay investigations and justice. Survivors are discouraged from reporting when families or community leaders informally ‘settle’ cases. The Parliamentary Women’s Caucus has highlighted inadequate funding, limited institutional capacity and cultural barriers.

Ultimately, this is a question of political priority. Another policy document will not help. What is needed now is action, meaning adequate resources, accountability and visible leadership to turn legal commitments into real protection.

What role is civil society playing, and what obstacles does it face?

Civil society organisations fill gaps in state provision. They run community awareness initiatives and engage men, boys and traditional leaders to challenge harmful norms. They provide survivors with counselling, legal aid, referrals and safe spaces, and they monitor cases and hold institutions to account. Youth-led organisations also use community dialogue and social media to challenge attitudes among younger generations.

But many rely on short-term donor funding, which makes sustained prevention work difficult. Capacity is stretched, particularly in rural areas, and frontline workers often face burnout and secondary trauma. Challenging cultural norms can trigger backlash, and advocates, especially young women, face online harassment and threats. Coordination with government structures remains uneven.

When given adequate resources, space and trust, civil society can be a committed partner. But it can’t replace the state.

What urgent measures are needed to tackle GBV and prevent femicide?

The government should formally recognise femicide as a national emergency and back this with dedicated funding and a coordinated response. The police should promptly and transparently investigate every killing of a woman and keep the public regularly informed. The courts should fast-track GBV cases, and the government should hold officials who fail survivors to account.

The government must also guarantee survivors’ access to protection and support, particularly in rural districts. That means well-resourced one-stop centres, trained police and prosecutors, safe shelters and legal aid.

To inform prevention, authorities should record victims’ sex and relationship to the perpetrator so patterns can be identified. Prevention must start early, with school-based programmes on consent and respectful relationships, and involve boys, men and religious and traditional leaders.

The government should fund women’s organisations adequately and include them in decision-making, because they are the ones that know where services fall short and are essential to designing effective responses.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.