CIVICUS discusses international alliances between regressive forces that are weakening democracy with Matías Bianchi, director and founder of Asuntos del Sur, a think tank that promotes democratic innovation in the global south, with a focus on Latin America.

The established international order is undergoing a profound transformation. Regressive governments, movements and networks are establishing transnational alliances that challenge democratic norms and multilateral mechanisms for the protection of human rights. This process raises urgent questions about the future of democracy, the role of states and the strategies needed to defend civic space in an increasingly hostile global context.

What does the concept of illiberal internationalism mean?

Rather than being a consolidated space, it is a set of overlapping networks comprising governments, parties, organisations and informal links that promote agendas undermining the principles of liberal democracies.

Unlike the axis of evil concept proposed a few years ago, which saw China and Russia confronting the democratic west, it is now powers such as the USA and some of its European allies — the powers that established the liberal order — that are challenging the global multilateral system. The USA has established coordination networks contrary to liberal principles and created conditions for the emergence and strengthening of leaders such as Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and Javier Milei in Argentina. Without this support, these leaders would probably not have dared to promote agendas so explicitly contrary to the liberal order.

What explains its growth?

This phenomenon is made possible by the lack of a global sanctions system, weak European leadership and the support of big finance and tech capital, which have broken from the democratic contract.

Power no longer resides exclusively with states. Large companies and private actors have the financial muscle to lobby and influence global norms and decisions, with resources comparable to those of many states.

Social media is central to this process. A small number of companies control content and connectivity infrastructure, which enables them to influence public debate. Their networks shape the opinions and decisions of billions of people worldwide. For instance, Elon Musk’s satellites in Ukraine have the power to grant or cut off internet access, and TikTok recently censored content related to protests over the murder of an activist in the US state of Minnesota.

In this digital environment, a cultural battle is being waged that exploits social frustrations and amplifies discourse questioning the liberal order, science and democratic politics. Consequently, young people — who in the past have often been the main drivers of demands for expanded rights — are now predominantly leaning towards the far right, particularly young men.

What are the implications for multilateralism, civil society and democracy?

The multilateralism that emerged after the Second World War was largely established under the Pax Americana. While the USA maintained its leadership, the system functioned relatively stably. However, in the current multipolar scenario, with weakened US leadership, this framework is losing cohesion.

Institutions such as the African Union (AU), Mercosur, the Organization of American States (OAS) and the United Nations incorporated democratic clauses as part of the liberal order.  However, they now have less political capacity to enforce them.

Regional institutions that used to serve as counterweights, such as the AU and OAS, have either lost capacity or are facing withdrawal from some member states. There are also no strong democratic communities to defend liberal norms. Although Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and Spain have attempted to promote an alliance for democracy, the initiative is still in its infancy and very weak. The result is a more fragmented system with less capacity to curb democratic setbacks.

Civil society faces a perfect storm of reduced funding and fewer institutional resources, as well as a worrying lack of social legitimacy. Movements that previously enjoyed multilateral support now operate with limited resources in a context where leaders with autocratic agendas have gained legitimacy through elections and remain popular.

This forces civil society, which emerged and grew within the liberal order, to rethink its strategies by prioritising the impact of its initiatives, strengthening principled leadership and building more effective coalitions.

The role of the state also needs to be rethought. Many states are struggling with economic and fiscal weakness, and a loss of authority in digitalised and globalised societies. Democratic communities were once formed in schools and on the ground, but much of that socialisation now takes place in digital spaces managed by private companies. This reduces the state’s capacity to guarantee rights and sustain public goods. We must design and develop institutions that can ensure and fund rights in this new global order.

What strategies could challenge this trend?

This is not a lost battle, but rather a contested scenario. In times of institutional delegitimisation and a lack of strong leadership, civil society has the opportunity to contribute to the strengthening of democratic regimes and the revitalisation of multilateral spaces. As Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney pointed out at the World Economic Forum, democracies that are still resisting must coordinate and act more decisively.

This requires greater coordination between democratic governments and a clearer commitment to liberal internationalism. Civil society can contribute by connecting local and global networks, sustaining alliances and providing political creativity to promote a new democratic agreement adapted to the 21st century. This is part of what we try to do at Asuntos del Sur. We conduct empirical research to identify mechanisms and best practices for democratic resilience, strengthen the capacities of those working to expand rights and establish communities of practice, with a particular focus on young people.

However, no strategy will succeed unless we build bridges with those who think differently. This includes cynics and sceptics. Today, building consensus and alliances is revolutionary and essential for rebuilding inclusive, pluralistic democratic societies.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.