‘Democratic states have been slow to recognise Chinese transnational repression on their soil’
CIVICUS discusses China’s transnational repression with investigative reporter Scilla Alecci of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ), a news organisation and independent global network encompassing over 280 journalists and 140 media from over 100 countries.
In March, two Uyghur activists in France re-filed a complaint with a Paris court alleging that the Chinese embassy orchestrated transnational repression against them during President Xi Jinping’s visit to France in May 2024. The case, involving attacks on protesters, surveillance and threats, exemplifies a broader campaign of intimidation that extends around the world. ICIJ has just released a comprehensive investigation of this trend.
What is transnational repression and how do authoritarian states use it?
There is no universal definition of transnational repression. However, some governments and advocacy groups, including the civil society organisation (CSO) Freedom House, describe it as ‘governments reaching across borders to silence dissent among diasporas and exiles, including through assassinations, illegal deportations, abductions, digital threats, Interpol abuse, and family intimidation’.
The Chinese government is considered one of the worst perpetrators and uses several subtle and harmful tactics including pressure on family members and digital and physical surveillance to silence regime critics. The scope of the repression is vast, and its disarming effect is so powerful that many activists and ethnic minorities based in other countries have stopped their advocacy, fearing their families back home could be harmed or imprisoned.
How does the Chinese state pressure activists through family intimidation?
As part of the China Targets investigation into China’s transnational repression, ICIJ and its 42 media partners interviewed 105 people in 23 countries who have been targeted by Chinese authorities for criticising their policies publicly or privately. Among them are Chinese and Hong Kong political dissidents and members of oppressed Tibetan and Uyghur minorities. Remarkably, half of the targets interviewed stated that family members in China had been intimidated and interrogated by police or state security officials. Several said the intimidation came just hours after they participated in protests or public events in the countries they live in.
An internal government document ICIJ reviewed as part of its investigation described 18 ‘strategies and methods for the education, rehabilitation and control’ of ‘key individuals’ considered threats to national security and political stability. One of these methods was called ‘emotional influence of kinship’, which involved pressuring family members to dissuade suspects from their activism. The guidelines noted that parents and children could influence each other, and wives could discourage husbands from engaging in risky activities. The document explained that this tactic was useful both to reach the key individual and prevent their loved ones from being ‘pulled over’, killing ‘two birds with one stone’.
Why do democratic countries struggle to protect dissidents on their soil?
China analysts and former intelligence officers and diplomats interviewed by ICIJ said that democratic states have been slow to recognise the Chinese government’s transnational repression strategy.
G7 leaders have recently condemned transnational repression as a growing threat but many democratic countries’ intelligence and law enforcement agencies lack adequate expertise to deal with cases involving Chinese repression and pressure tactics within their borders. Law enforcement officers in democratic states also say their ability to protect victims is limited because China uses proxies and indirect methods to make it difficult to link the harassment to the state.
Compounding this challenge, the United Nations (UN) and Interpol risk enabling China’s transnational repression when they fail to prevent it misusing their systems for political purposes. Under President Xi Jinping, the UN has become a staging ground for China’s transnational repression, with China-backed CSOs turning the forum into a hostile environment for human rights advocates. Investigations have also documented Chinese authorities asking Interpol to issue red notices – alerts circulated among police forces worldwide – against human rights activists and businesspeople, in violation of the organisation’s rules.
What support do victims have and what tangible steps can governments take?
Despite these challenges, advocacy groups close to the communities targeted by authoritarian governments have provided invaluable support for victims. Alongside news organisations exposing perpetrators of repressive tactics, CSOs have also contributed to raising awareness about the issue, informing the public and policy makers.
Advocates and experts interviewed by ICIJ said governments should train law enforcement staff on how to recognise transnational repression and help victims. Democratic states should also share information and establish reporting mechanisms so they can assess the scale of the problem and formulate practical policies. Additionally, the offer of psychological and safety support to victims would encourage many to report instances of transnational repression.