CIVICUS discusses Algeria’s recent parliamentary election with Zakaria Benlahrech, a lawyer and director of the Foundation for the Promotion of Rights, an Algerian civil society organisation committed to defending and protecting human rights.

On 2 July, Algerians went to the polls to elect the 407 members of the National People’s Assembly, one of two chambers of parliament. This was the second parliamentary election since the Hirak, the protest movement that led to the departure of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika in 2019. The election took place against a backdrop of intensified repression targeting the opposition, journalists and human rights activists, who are regularly prosecuted and handed heavy sentences.

What were the results of the election?

According to the final results the Constitutional Court announced on 18 July, the ruling National Liberation Front came top with 91 seats, ahead of the National Democratic Rally with 74, the El Moustakbal Front with 56 and the Society for Peace Movement with 43. Independent lists, which had made significant gains in 2021, won only 33 seats this time, while the Socialist Forces Front won just 12.

These results mark a return to a political landscape dominated by parties close to the executive, which, together with their allies, hold a comfortable majority. The composition of the new Assembly doesn’t reflect any real renewal of the political class. It will include just 23 women, a worrying decline.

The most significant aspect of this election was the very low turnout, at 21.24 per cent nationwide, and 10.75 per cent among voters living abroad. Almost four in five voters abstained.

What explains this widespread abstention?

This abstention reflects neither apathy nor disinterest. It’s a lucid and massive political act. I would describe it as a ‘silent Hirak’: Algerians can no longer protest. All protests have effectively been banned since 2021. So they are making their voices heard through the void they leave in polling stations. The message is crystal clear: people no longer believe voting can change anything in a system where everything is decided in advance.

This mistrust has built up over time. It stems from the crackdown on the Hirak, the imprisonment of hundreds of people for merely expressing their opinions, the systematic curtailment of civil society space and the media, and successive elections — the 2019 presidential election, 2020 constitutional referendum, 2021 parliamentary election and 2024 presidential election — all marked by historically low turnout rates.

Voter abstention reflects a deep rift between society and institutions and undermines the legitimacy of the new Assembly. As a lawyer, since 2019 I’ve defended dozens of people detained or prosecuted for their opinions, including activists, journalists, trade unionists and young people, sometimes simply for Facebook posts. How then can we ask their loved ones and fellow citizens to go to the polls as if nothing had happened?

Why were many candidates unable to stand for election?

The Independent National Electoral Authority (ANIE) disqualified numerous candidates in the validation process. According to the final tally, 61 lists comprising 842 candidates were rejected and 2,370 appeals were lodged against these rejections.

ANIE cited several grounds. Some corresponded to objective legal requirements. Others were based on vague notions, such as alleged links to ‘dubious circles’. Several parties have criticised the arbitrary and opaque nature of some decisions.

All this shows that competition was heavily restricted before polling stations opened. When the administration decides to such a large extent who can stand for election, voters’ choice is restricted.

What are the consequences of repression for civil society and how is your organisation responding?

The consequences are extremely serious. Many people remain in detention or are facing prosecution for having peacefully exercised their freedoms of assembly, association and expression. These prosecutions are often based on vague criminal provisions, starting with article 87 bis of the Criminal Code, which has a very broad definition of terrorism that allows human rights defenders and journalists to be targeted.

The crackdown extends to online expression. In December 2024, young protesters launched the Manich Radi (‘I am not satisfied’) movement to denounce the erosion of freedoms and the socio-economic situation. Several activists and journalists were subsequently arrested and convicted for their social media posts. Some were tried under fast-track procedures, without being able to prepare their defence properly.

Human rights defenders, journalists, politicians, trade unionists and those who support them are at risk of prosecution, pretrial detention and convictions linked to their activities or the views they express, in addition to travel bans.

Independent civil society has been severely weakened. Numerous organisations, including the Algerian League for the Defence of Human Rights, which I was a member of, have been dissolved or prevented from operating at the request of the Ministry of the Interior.

The overall effect is one of powerful intimidation. Self-censorship is on the rise and civil society voices have been forced into exile. Independent organisations now struggle to document violations, inform citizens and monitor elections. This climate has not just affected those facing prosecution. It has weakened the entire civic space and made independent citizen monitoring of the electoral process virtually impossible.

This is where the Foundation for the Promotion of Rights steps in. We document violations, provide legal support to those targeted and refer cases to the relevant national and international mechanisms. In doing so, we seek to protect human rights defenders, reopen civic space and ensure respect for the rule of law, pluralism and fundamental freedoms.

What are civil society’s demands, and what international support does it need?

Civil society’s demands are, above all, legal in nature. We call for the release of all those detained for peacefully exercising their civil freedoms, and for all charges against them to be dropped. We also call for revision of provisions that contravene international standards, notably article 87 bis of the Criminal Code, and effective judicial oversight of the procedures for placing people on lists of designated terrorists. We call for rights enshrined in the constitution to be guaranteed through an independent judiciary and effective remedies.

At the international level, we call for greater consistency and steadfastness. Algeria’s partners, particularly the European Union and its member states, should not separate their energy, migration and security interests from the human rights situation. These issues must be raised systematically in political dialogues and bilateral relations.

It’s also essential to support United Nations mechanisms, including the Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review, as well as the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which civil society regularly submits documented information to. Finally, threatened defenders need prompt protection, emergency visas, sustainable support for independent organisations and media, and diplomatic mobilisation on behalf of detainees.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.