In August, Zimbabwe hosted the annual summit of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). To prevent activists using the event to highlight the country’s appalling record on human rights and democratic freedoms, the authorities detained over 160 people in the months before the meeting. Some have been released since the summit ended, but the ruling party continues to systematically restrict civic space. Zimbabwe’s rulers are adept at deflecting criticism from western states, but since their actions contravene the SADC treaty, they should face much more pressure from democratic states in the region to respect human rights.

For a minority of the 78 Zimbabwean activists arrested on 16 June, the nightmare is over, at least for now. The 78, many of them young activists, were arrested on suspicion of planning a peaceful protest when Zimbabwe hosted an important regional meeting, the summit of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), in August.

They were gathered at the home of Jameson Timba, interim leader of the Citizens Coalition for Change opposition party, who was among those detained. Police used batons and teargas during the arrest, injuring several people. The authorities repeatedly denied bail to 75 of those arrested. In detention, they reportedly tortured them and subjected them to other forms of ill-treatment, and police assaulted people who came to support them when they appeared in court.

On 4 September, all 78 were acquitted of disorderly conduct. But there’s a sting in the tail for most: a second charge of participating in a gathering with intent to promote public violence was dropped for only 12. The rest remain in custody awaiting further proceedings.

Civic freedoms have long been suppressed in Zimbabwe, and nothing has improved since the current president, Emmerson Mnangagwa, ousted long-time dictator Robert Mugabe in a military-backed coup in 2017. But repression intensified in the run-up to the SADC summit, with authorities arresting over 160 people.

On 24 June, police arrested 44 members of the Zimbabwe National Students Union, including its president, Emmanual Sitima. Police reportedly beat and injured some of the students. Further arrests followed in July and August. On 31 July, four young activists were dragged off a domestic flight as they headed to a conference. They remained under arrest until eventually being released on bail on 4 September. Their lawyer says they were initially held incommunicado and tortured. One of them, Robson Chere, who’s been arrested several times for his peaceful activism, was reportedly left needing urgent medical treatment.

On 7 August, masked people tried to force their way into the offices of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, with staff members trapped inside.

The government also vilified activists from its highest levels. Mnangagwa referred to them as ‘rogue elements… instigating acts of civil disorder’, while a government minister complained about ‘criminal and opportunistic elements… attempting to incite disorder and discontent’.

It’s clear the government wanted to present a positive face to its fellow states at the summit. It didn’t want to be embarrassed by local activists using the occasion to highlight its many shortcomings. And it made sure they couldn’t engage with visiting delegations to urge them to do something about the Zimbabwean government’s human rights abuses. Now the summit is over, at least some have been released.

Voices from the frontline

Tapiwanashe Chiriga is Advocacy and Communications Officer at Heal Zimbabwe Trust, a human rights organisation.

 

President Mnangagwa’s government deliberately stepped up its efforts to stifle any form of opposition or dissent as he prepared to take over the chair of the SADC bloc.

In a bid to prevent potential protests during the summit, the government arrested, abducted and detained civil society activists, particularly those campaigning for democratic reforms. This increased repression, intimidation and surveillance, and combined with the use of outright threats, created a climate of fear among activists, human rights defenders and citizens as a whole.

The government is using a strategy of widespread intimidation to silence pro-democracy voices and prevent them drawing regional and international attention to Zimbabwe’s human rights abuses.

Unfortunately, I was unable to engage with SADC leaders or other influential figures during the summit due to serious security threats. After receiving explicit threats from state security agents who made it clear they intended to arrest and possibly harm me, I was forced to go into hiding. This situation severely limited my ability to participate and raise the critical issues we had hoped to address.

As a result, many pressing concerns about the increasing restrictions on civil society in Zimbabwe were not raised at the regional forum. The response of regional leaders to the escalating repression of civil society in Zimbabwe has been markedly inadequate. Some SADC members have been very reluctant to confront the Zimbabwean government directly over its human rights abuses, undermining any regional efforts to support democracy and uphold civic freedoms. This weak regional response leaves many critical issues unaddressed and the struggles of those advocating for democratic reform remain largely ignored.

 

This is an edited extract of our conversation with Tapiwanashe. Read the full interview here.

Systematic repression

The summit has ended and some people have been freed, but Zimbabweans know that doesn’t mean the repression’s over. Tactics such as criminalisation, intimidation, surveillance, vilification and violence are systematically used at all levels, from local government and officials of the ruling ZANU-PF party to the presidency. The criminal justice system has been captured by the ruling elite and serves its whims.

Last year’s election offered no prospect of change. It too was preceded by a crackdown, including bans on opposition rallies, and everything was skewed in ZANU-PF’s favour, with state media acting as its mouthpiece. There was voter suppression In areas where most people support the opposition, such as the capital, Harare, with voting roll irregularities and delays in issuing ballot papers. Several opposition politicians were detained or banned from standing and the opposition alleged widespread vote-rigging. A SADC team concluded that the election fell short of its guidelines and Zimbabwe’s constitutional standards.

Ahead of the vote, in August 2023, the government passed the Patriotic Bill, which imposes heavy jail sentences for the crime of harming Zimbabwe’s sovereignty and national interests, an offence so broadly defined that it can be used against a wide range of dissent. This contributed to the climate of fear the election was held in.

There was no respite following confirmation of ZANU-PF’s continuing rule. State violence was meted out against opponents. Last November, Citizens Coalition for Change activist Tapfumaneyi Masaya was found dead days after being abducted while campaigning in a by-election. His body bore signs of torture.

Now the government’s assault on civil society continues with the reintroduction of a bill that would impose further restrictions. In March, the government submitted a new version of the Public Voluntary Amendment Bill to parliament. Ostensibly aimed at combating money laundering and terrorism financing, it would give the state sweeping powers to interfere in an organisation’s activities and criminalise its leaders. The bill is essentially a copy of a previous repressive bill introduced in 2021, which lapsed when Mnangagwa chose not to sign it into law. When public hearings on the bill were held in May, ZANU-PF supporters disrupted them, and police arrested four opposition activists in Masvingo city.

In another ominous sign, a section of ZANU-PF is now pushing for changes to presidential term limits to allow Mnangagwa to stay in power beyond the end of his second term in 2028.

Time for regional pressure

The government’s actions ahead of the summit epitomised its utter intolerance of any kind of dissent. It sees what’s considered normal discourse in democratic countries as an attack on the state. But ZANU-PF’s repressive actions also betray a certain nervousness: having held back the tide of change for years through violence, criminalisation and electoral manipulation, the authorities fear one day they won’t be able to stop it.

But for now, its tactics worked. The SADC summit was virtually silent on Zimbabwe’s human rights violations. As the latest summit host, Mnangagwa now enjoys the prestige of chairing the institution for the next year.

Zimbabwe’s rulers have long dismissed criticism from western countries as colonialist interference, even though the loudest voices for change come from Zimbabweans. But criticism counts for much more when it comes from closer to home.

SADC’s more democratic members – such as Namibia, South Africa and Zambia – should stop giving Zimbabwe such an easy ride. They should understand that the organisation’s credibility is at stake: the Zimbabwean government’s actions, including its pre-summit crackdown, make a mockery of article 4 of the SADC treaty, which requires its member states to respect human rights, democracy and the rule of law, and article 23, which recognises civil society as a key stakeholder. They should urge it to abide by international standards and stop repressing civil society.

OUR CALLS FOR ACTION

  • The government of Zimbabwe must commit to respecting the right of Zimbabweans to express their opinions and protest peacefully.
  • SADC and its members should work to hold the government of Zimbabwe to account and apply diplomatic pressure to urge it to uphold human rights standards.
  • The international community should provide support to Zimbabwe’s civil society.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

Cover photo by Jekesai Nijikizana/AFP via Getty Images