Solomon Islands has a new prime minister, and civil society will be hoping he’ll be less confrontational and polarising than the last one. In recent years the government has cultivated its relations with China, including by signing a security cooperation deal, as part of China’s strategic push to build its power in the Pacific. The government has accompanied this change of direction with a worsening attitude towards civil society and independent media, which have faced political threats, divisive discourse and restrictions on key freedoms such as protest rights. While the government’s foreign policy seems unlikely to change, it could at least stop the civic space attacks.

There’s change at the top in Solomon Islands – but civil society will be watching closely to see whether that means a government that’s grown hostile will start doing things differently.

Jeremiah Manele is the new prime minister, emerging from negotiations that followed April’s general election. He’s part of OUR Party, led by outgoing four-time prime minister Manasseh Sogavare. The party came first, winning 15 of 50 constituencies, but several incumbents who stood for it lost their parliamentary seats, and Sogavare only narrowly held his. Weakened, Sogavare stood aside to allow Manele to prevail as the consensus candidate of the post-election coalition his party stitched together.

Politics in Solomon Islands

Post-election manoeuvres are part of the game in Solomon Islands, a Pacific archipelago of six main islands and hundreds of smaller ones. Parties come and go, often organised around personalities or family identities, and party affiliations are weak. Many independents win constituency votes on the basis of their personal networks and big pockets, with allegations of vote-buying rife. Sogavare epitomises this political flux: he’s represented three different parties and also served as an independent, and his latest party didn’t run in the previous election.

Prime ministers are chosen by parliamentary votes after extensive deal-making to build coalitions. It’s common for politicians to switch allegiances after elections. This means the scope for patronage, including offers of government positions in return for support, is high. Politicians have even been known to defeat government incumbents by campaigning on anti-establishment platforms only to then join the government, perhaps tempted by the fact they make far more money by doing so. The consequence is people often feel unrepresented by what comes out of negotiations.

In common with many Pacific Island nations, there’s also a problem of entrenched social and economic barriers that leave women starkly underrepresented in politics. Of 50 members of parliament, following the latest vote only three are women, one up on the last election in 2019. Just 21 out of 334 candidates – six per cent – were women, down from the 26 who stood in 2019. In a sign of how hard it is for women to sustain a political career, neither woman who won in 2019 decided to stand again.

China in the spotlight

Voters had to wait to have their say. The election was supposed to be held in 2023 but the government postponed it. It claimed it couldn’t afford to hold the election and host the Pacific Games in the same year, and temporarily suspended constitutional provisions through a parliamentary vote. The opposition accused Sogavare of a power grab, questioned his commitment to democracy and pointed out the government had turned down an offer of financial support from Australia to hold the election as scheduled.

Political debate in recent years has been dominated by the government’s relations with China, a major funder of the 2023 Pacific Games. Sogavare pivoted towards China shortly after becoming prime minister for the fourth time in 2019. Until then, Solomon Islands was among the small number of states that still recognised Taiwan instead of China. The move was controversial, made with no consultation after an election in which it hadn’t been an issue.

Sogavare then signed a series of agreements with China, including a highly secretive security cooperation deal. For civil society, this raised the concern that Solomon Islands police could be trained in the same repressive techniques used in China, and Chinese security forces could be deployed if unrest broke out. The country has experienced several bouts of conflict, including ethnic unrest and violent protests started by young unemployed men, with some violence targeting people of Chinese origin. Such conflict followed controversial post-2019 election manoeuvres that returned Sogavare to power, and surged again in 2021 over the government’s relations with China. Sogavare blamed ‘foreign powers’ for the 2021 unrest.

China is making extensive economic diplomacy efforts to encourage states to switch allegiance and has developed a keen interest in Pacific Island nations, long neglected by western powers. Its efforts are paying off, with Kiribati and Nauru also abandoning Taiwan in recent years. The Pacific Islands cover a vast oceanic territory, and a major Chinese foreign policy objective is to break up the island chains it sees as encircling it and constraining its reach. It’s long been suspected of coveting a naval base in Solomon Islands.

Further, while the populations may be small, each state has an equal vote in the United Nations, and the more allies China has, the more it can shield itself from criticism of its many human rights violations.

China didn’t just help pay for the Pacific Games. It also provides direct funding to pro-government members of parliament, and has been accused of outrightly trying to bribe politicians. Daniel Suidani, a strong opponent of deals with China, claims to have been offered bribes to change his position. Suidani was premier of Malaita Province, a culturally distinct island group home to many of those involved in anti-China protests. In 2023, he was ousted in a no-confidence vote following the central government’s apparent intervention. Police then used teargas against protesters who supported him.

China’s attempts to exert influence extend to the media. Last year, the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project reported that the Solomon Star newspaper had received funding from the Chinese state in return for agreeing to publish pro-China content.

Disinformation favourable to China also circulated during the campaign. A Russian state-owned news agency falsely reported that the US government was planning what it called an ‘electoral coup’, a lie repeated by the Chinese Communist Party’s Global Times newspaper and boosted on social media. During the campaign, Sogavare also doubled down on his support for China, heaping praise on its political system and suggesting that democracy might open the door to same-sex marriage, which he portrayed as incompatible with his country’s values.

At the same time as China’s media influence has grown, the Solomon Islands government has gained something of a reputation for attacking media freedoms. It took full control of the public broadcaster, the Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation, giving itself the power to directly appoint the broadcaster’s board, and made an attempt to vet all of its news and current affairs programmes, which it dropped after backlash. Following an investigation of relations with China by Australia’s public broadcaster, the government threatened to bar foreign journalists from entering the country if they run stories it deems ‘disrespectful’, accusing media of spreading ‘anti-China sentiments’.

Following criticism, the government also threatened to investigate civil society and accused civil society organisations (CSOs) of fraudulently receiving funds. It’s clear that the other side of the coin of closer relations with China has been growing hostility towards dissent.

Voices from the frontline

Maverick Peter Seda is cofounder and coordinator of Youth for Change Solomon Islands, which works to empower young people to engage in democratic processes and campaigns for informed voting.

 

The same government that tightened ties with China imposed restrictions on peaceful civil society activities. These included limitations on the exercise of freedoms of assembly, association and expression, which are essential to a vibrant democracy. This raised questions about the government’s commitment to upholding democratic principles and respecting human rights.

Moreover, the government undermined democratically elected provincial governments. For example, it sponsored organisations in Malaita Province to remove a former premier from office. This interference in local politics eroded trust in the democratic process and fuelled tensions and divisions among the community.

Further, the government skipped consultations on key decisions, such as constitutional amendments to extend parliamentary terms. Similarly, it has made decisions related to the state budget without adequate input or scrutiny, raising concerns about fiscal responsibility and accountability.

Civil society plays crucial roles in shaping the voting process, and the latest election was no exception. Civil society educated people about their rights and the importance of voting and brought transparency to the vote-counting process. Despite their significant contributions, however, CSOs in the Solomon Islands have struggled to gain recognition in policymaking and policy implementation processes.

Restrictions on public assemblies have also left citizens feeling disenfranchised, leading to violence. There is a profound disconnect between the government and the people it serves, highlighting the need for genuine dialogue and inclusive decision-making. Leaders must listen to grievances and engage in meaningful dialogue to rebuild trust.

The next administration should focus on addressing youth unemployment, infrastructure development and climate change. Around 70 per cent of our population is under 34, which is a huge demographic advantage, but it is being wasted because many young people are unable to find education and employment opportunities. Young people are also eager to participate in decision-making, including the budgetary and election processes that directly affect their lives.

 

This is an edited extract of our conversation with Maverick. Read the full interview here.

Looking forward

China was far from the only issue in the campaign, and many voters emphasised everyday concerns such as the cost of living, the state of education, healthcare and roads, and the economy. Some criticised politicians for spending too much time talking about foreign policy instead of these issues – and will be judging the new government by how much progress it makes on them.

The good news is that the vote appears to have been competitive, and so far there’s been no repeat of the post-election violence seen after the 2019 vote. That’s surely a positive to build on.

But Sogavare isn’t gone from politics, taking a new position as finance minister. Meanwhile, Manele, foreign minister in the old government and seen as another pro-China figure, is unlikely to take a new foreign policy direction. But there’s some hope, at least for civil society, that he’ll be a less polarising and more conciliatory politician than Sogavare. The first test will be how the new government handles its relations with civil society and the media. The government should prove it isn’t in China’s pocket by respecting civic freedoms.

OUR CALLS FOR ACTION

  • The new government should commit to respecting civic space and media freedoms.
  • The new government should develop a plan to consult with civil society, including youth-led groups, in policymaking.
  • The new government should review its security cooperation agreement with China.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

Cover photo by Saeed Khan/AFP via Getty Images