CIVICUS discusses the results of Romania’s presidential election with Anda Serban, Executive Director of the Resource Center for Public Participation, a civil society organisation that promotes public participation and transparency in decision-making.

The 18 May presidential runoff saw far-right nationalist George Simion, who came first in the initial round, lose to centrist candidate Nicușor Dan, a former civic activist backed by a pro-European coalition. Following his defeat, Simion attempted to have the results annulled while alleging foreign interference, and when these efforts failed, he characterised his loss as a coup. This was a rerun following the annulment of the November 2024 vote due to allegations of foreign interference, particularly from Russia. The events pose critical questions about Romania’s democratic trajectory and commitment to European integration.

How will Romania’s democracy evolve after the election?

While on 18 May voters rejected an anti-democratic path and opted to stay on a pro-European course, without a clear commitment to rebuilding trust in the state and among people, Romania’s democratic trajectory is unlikely to change. For months, public debate – particularly on social media – was dominated by concerns about democracy, and now it’s time for institutions to model democratic practices and for politicians to turn debate into reforms, particularly in areas where democratic standards have been weakened. This must be a top priority for the new government.

However, recent events show there are still some challenges. Allegations about the fiscal agency’s ties to intelligence services and the Constitutional Court’s decision to block transparency in asset declarations highlight that there’s still a need for public vigilance.

How might Romania’s international relationships evolve?

Dan’s victory reaffirmed Romania’s commitment to democratic values and will strengthen its alignment with the European Union, providing a clear contrast to Simion’s euroscepticism. During the campaign, Dan pledged to increase defence spending and modernise the military. Yet as budget pressures become a growing concern, he’ll need to strike a balance between national security and social needs. He’ll need to justify defence investments not just on the basis of NATO obligations but as part of a broader strategy for stability and economic resilience. It’s equally important to reassert civilian control over military institutions, a fundamental principle of democratic governance.

Support for Ukraine is expected to continue, but communication will be key. The previous administration was criticised for its silent backing of Ukraine and lack of public engagement, which contributed to growing anti-Ukrainian sentiment fuelled by far-right narratives.

What should Dan’s priorities be?

This isn’t technically Dan’s government, as he ran as an independent, although with tacit support from pro-European parties. Nevertheless, he’s taken a constructive approach by proposing to agree on a governance plan before allocating posts. Political ownership, however, will be crucial to ensure accountability for the government’s actions.

Above all, Dan must work to reunite a polarised country. While his election represented a rejection of extremism, he must now lead all Romanians, including those who feel alienated or disillusioned. He must ensure state institutions are not distant or oppressive but responsive and trustworthy.

Although economic concerns have dominated the headlines, social issues must be front and centre. Romania needs bold, redistributive policies that promote social cohesion and equal opportunity. Dan must demonstrate pragmatic leadership focused on real needs.

What role can civil society play?

Fortunately, Dan understands the value of accountability, public participation and transparency from his experience in civil society. That experience could help bring more openness to governance, and there are already some key democratic bills in parliament. However, it’s important to temper expectations: while Dan made some progress as mayor of Bucharest, he fell short of transformative change. Civil society must continue to play a watchdog role and hold him accountable.

Having a president who openly supports democratic principles is a good start, but it’s not enough. Strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) are an ongoing threat in Romania. Dan’s organisation was once targeted, so we expect him to take a clear stance, particularly on the SLAPP brought by the energy minister against Greenpeace Romania. Dan must embrace his role as a mediator and protector of civic space.

How is Dan forming a government?

Dan has said that a government programme will be negotiated by 10 June, followed by discussions on ministerial appointments. A central issue is how to tackle Romania’s economic deficit. Some libertarian voices are calling for severe cuts based on the flawed premise that the state is bloated. While targeting corrupt structures is necessary, across-the-board cuts could weaken the state and deepen social hardship.

Currently, Dan is supported by the Social Democratic Party (PSD), the National Liberal Party, the Save Romania Union, the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania and other minority groups, which gives him a working majority. Some nationalist members of parliament have defected to the PSD, but their views are unclear. While the far right may be losing ground, populist rhetoric cuts across party lines.

The new coalition has a limited window to demonstrate it has learned from past failures. If it doesn’t deliver, Romania risks following the broader European trend of far-right rise.