CIVICUS discusses the closing of civic space under Burkina Faso’s military junta with a Burkinabe civil society representative who has asked to remain anonymous for security reasons.

For almost a decade, Burkina Faso has faced a security crisis that served as a pretext for two military coups in 2022. The junta has since postponed elections until 2029. In July, it dissolved the Independent National Electoral Commission, transferring its responsibilities to the Ministry of Territorial Administration. This decision marks a major setback for hopes of democracy in a context of widespread repression of civil society, the media and the opposition.

How has the security crisis affected the political situation?

Since 2015, Burkina Faso has experienced one of the worst security crises in its history. Armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and Islamic State have spread to almost all regions. They attack villages, burn down markets and kill civilians and defence force members. According to the latest figures, over 20,000 people have been killed and more than two million displaced. The government no longer records new displacements, but we witness them daily.

This insecurity has completely disrupted daily life. Many towns have been cut off from the outside world, with hospitals and schools closing and people living in constant fear. The state has lost control of vast areas and humanitarian organisations are struggling to reach those in need.

Politically, the crisis has become the army’s main pretext for retaining power. The military promised to restore security within a few months, yet almost three years later, the situation has worsened. The 2022 coups suspended the constitution, removing elected authorities from office and replacing them by decree. Today, political parties are banned, civic activities are prohibited and expressing oneself online can be dangerous. The security crisis has turned into a political crisis. We are caught between two threats: armed groups on one side and repression by the regime on the other.

How has the military government concentrated power?

Since the January 2022 coup, all key institutions have been placed under the control of the armed forces. The transitional assembly was not elected; its members were appointed, with over half chosen directly by the president. This means they are accountable to him, not the public. Laws and decrees are passed without debate, and the assembly functions more as a sounding board than an independent body.

Several institutions that once provided checks and balances have been dismantled. These include the Economic and Social Council, the Office of the Ombudsman and numerous independent commissions. Even the Constitutional Council, whose role was to defend the constitution, has been neutralised. It has approved constitutional amendments that grant the president broad immunity and hold ministers, rather than the head of state, responsible for the government’s actions.

The judiciary has also been subjected to strict control. Critical judges, prosecutors and lawyers have been intimidated, detained or forcibly sent to the frontlines. The president now chairs the Supreme Judicial Council, thereby reversing years of progress towards judicial independence.

What we are currently witnessing is not a transition, but the consolidation of absolute power. The military justifies decisions that have nothing to do with protecting people by invoking the rhetoric of patriotism and security. The institutions that once served as a check on the regime no longer exist, and no one is in a position to hold it to account.

What impact has the dissolution of the Electoral Commission had?

The dissolution of the Independent National Electoral Commission is a decisive setback. The official reason given was that it was too expensive to maintain and there were no elections to organise. According to the government, no elections have been held since the first coup because the security crisis makes voting impossible. However, this decision confirms that elections are not part of the junta’s plans, particularly given that it has extended the transition period until 2029.

The government has now transferred all electoral responsibilities to the Ministry of Territorial Administration, which it controls. Therefore, we cannot expect any neutrality, because if the government controls the process, it will also control the outcome. By abolishing the Electoral Commission, the regime has clearly signalled its intention to govern indefinitely without elections or independent oversight.

This decision comes in a particular regional context. Since Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger withdrew from the Economic Community of West African States, there has been no regional pressure for democracy. The junta claims to reject foreign interference, but what it is really rejecting is accountability.

What’s the current state of civil society, the media and opposition?

Civic space in Burkina Faso has almost entirely shut down. All civic and political activities have been suspended: political parties cannot meet, civil society organisations cannot organise events and protests are banned. At the end of 2023, the General Confederation of Workers of Burkina Faso attempted to organise a peaceful sit-in against the rising cost of living. The regime responded with disinformation, intimidation and threats. Pro-government groups circulated videos in which they brandished machetes and warned they would attack protesters.

The protest was cancelled, and several union leaders subsequently either went into hiding or fled Burkina Faso. Journalists face the same repression. Many have been detained, conscripted against their will or forced into exile simply for reporting on the security crisis or criticising the authorities.

A new law now requires civil society organisations to place their bank accounts with the Treasury, giving the government direct control over their finances.

People are also afraid to speak out online. Commenting on a message that criticises the regime can lead to arrest or disappearance. Detainees are often held incommunicado without trial or contact with their families. Today, Burkina Faso lives in fear and silence.

What would be the consequences of an indefinite extension of military rule?

If the current situation continues, the country risks economic, political and social collapse. The army has concentrated all power in its hands, yet it has failed to resolve the security crisis or improve daily life. The situation is only getting worse.

Generations of young people are growing up in fear. The longer the junta delays the political transition, the more difficult reconciliation will become.

Without elections, there is no accountability, and without civic freedoms, people have no peaceful means of expressing their discontent. This creates a dangerous vacuum where frustration builds up beneath the surface until it explodes. This could lead to increased instability and even civil conflict.