CIVICUS discusses Uganda’s presidential election with Nalongo Nana Mwafrika, a Ugandan civic activist, human rights defender and former parliamentary candidate working on accountability, democracy and young people’s political participation. 

Uganda’s 15 January presidential election saw 81-year-old Yoweri Museveni secure a seventh term thanks to the systematic dismantling of civic and democratic space. The process was marked by a nationwide internet shutdown, the abduction of some opposition leaders and a violent crackdown on protests that left several people dead. While the regime maintains democratic trappings, it has increasingly neutralised dissent. With over 75 per cent of the country’s population under 35, the generational divide between the ruled and the ruler is widening.

Why was the election seen as a foregone conclusion?

The result was predictable because it took place within a political system that has been deliberately structured to produce it. President Museveni has been in power since 1986, and over nearly four decades he has entrenched a form of competitive authoritarianism. Elections are held regularly, but state institutions such as the Electoral Commission, the military and the police are routinely used to secure his victory. The process looks democratic on paper, but genuine competition is systematically undermined.

Opposition groups enter elections already weakened by arrests, intimidation and severe resource disparities. I experienced this myself as a candidate for Woman Representative for Kampala District. Between October and December, I was arrested twice and warned I could face longer imprisonment if I continued campaigning. At some point, fear replaces hope. You stop asking whether you can win and start asking whether participation itself is worth the personal risk.

This predictability has been normalised through constitutional manipulation, including the removal of presidential term and age limits that once restricted how long a leader could stay in power. The growing involvement of the military in politics, including public threats by senior officers, reinforces a climate of fear. In this context, voter apathy is not indifference; it’s a rational response to repression.

What forms of repression did authorities use ahead of the vote?

The pre-election period was marked by systematic repression aimed at dismantling opposition organising and deterring public participation. Authorities relied heavily on arbitrary arrests and prolonged detentions, often on fabricated charges such as treason. Abductions carried out in unmarked vans, commonly referred to in Uganda as ‘drone vans’, became a tool of intimidation. Opposition rallies were violently dispersed using live ammunition, teargas and water cannon, resulting in injuries and deaths.

Legal repression also played a role. Authorities weaponised laws such as the Computer Misuse Act and amendments to NGO regulations to criminalise online speech, suspend civil society organisations and prosecute critics, sometimes through military courts despite Supreme Court rulings barring civilians being subjected to military trials. Journalists faced harassment, detention and torture.

Restrictions were selectively enforced. Authorities raided campaign offices, seized property and erected roadblocks to restrict the movement of opposition candidates and supporters. While opposition events were blocked or broken up, ruling party gatherings proceeded unhindered.

What did the arrest of human rights lawyer Sarah Bireete mean for civil society?

Dr Bireete’s arrest was a clear warning to anyone attempting to independently monitor the electoral process. Bireete is a prominent human rights lawyer and election observer who has long documented abuses and irregularities in Uganda’s elections. By arresting her on accusations of unlawfully accessing or disclosing voter registry data, the authorities sought to delegitimise oversight.

The timing and manner of her arrest were deliberate. Authorities raided her home, kept her in detention beyond constitutional limits and remanded her until after the election. This ensured she couldn’t monitor the vote or publicly challenge discrepancies in the voters’ register, a recurring issue in Uganda’s electoral history. It was part of a bigger strategy to silence critics and empty the electoral process of accountability.

How did civil society respond to the repression?

Civil society continued documenting and exposing abuses. Human rights groups collected testimonies on arbitrary arrests, torture and the excessive use of force, producing reports that countered official narratives and drew international attention to events on the ground.

Coalitions of local, regional and Pan-African organisations called for the release of detainees, independent investigations into election-related violence and accountability for security forces. Religious leaders, particularly through the Inter-Religious Council of Uganda, also spoke out against intimidation and urged restraint, even as the risks of doing so increased.

Legal action was also key. Civil society groups challenged the internet shutdown and unlawful detentions in court, while adapting by using alternative communication channels to report violations when digital platforms were blocked.

How might young people shape Uganda’s political future?

Uganda is one of the youngest countries in the world, with median age of just under 17 and around 70 per cent of the population under 30. This demographic reality sharply contrasts with a political leadership that has remained largely unchanged for decades. Young people face high unemployment, limited opportunities and widespread corruption, while decisions continue to be made by an ageing political elite.

This disconnect is fuelling growing frustration and political awareness among young Ugandans, who now make up roughly a quarter of the electorate. Opposition figures such as musician-turned-politician Bobi Wine have mobilised young voters by speaking directly to their economic and political grievances.

There’s clear potential for youth-led mobilisation similar to recent protests in Kenya, Nigeria and Senegal. However, Uganda’s history of violent crackdowns means such movements carry serious risks. Repression may delay change, but cannot prevent it. The longer change is suppressed, the stronger the demand for it will become.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.