CIVICUS discusses the appointment of Thailand’s new prime minister with Sunai Phasuk, Senior Researcher for Thailand at Human Rights Watch’s Asia division.

On 5 September, Thailand’s parliament appointed Anutin Charnvirakul as the country’s new prime minister, the third in two years. The Constitutional Court dismissed his predecessor, centre-left Paetongtarn Shinawatra, for alleged ethical violations. Charnvirakul, a conservative, has pledged to hold a fresh election within four months. But with courts repeatedly overturning elected governments, political instability is likely to continue.

Why did the Constitutional Court dismiss Paetongtarn Shinawatra?

All politicians that take office, either in the executive or legislative branch, are controlled by bodies such as the Constitutional Court and the Counter Corruption Commission.

The Constitutional Court dismissed Shinawatra, leader of the Pheu Thai (‘For Thai’) party and a member of one of the country’s most influential families, for allegedly breaching ethical standards. The reason is she had a phone call with Hun Sen, Cambodia’s Senate President and strongman leader, regarding border tensions between the two countries. When he asked her to help decrease the tension, she told him he could ask anything from her and not to listen to the Thai army, which she criticised as being from the opposition and trying to undermine peace efforts.

Amid public anger, her political opponents filed complaints with the Constitutional Court. While judges disagreed on whether she should be suspended entirely or only from some duties, they ultimately found her guilty and removed her from office. Now the Counter Corruption Commission will advise the Supreme Court to take legal action against her, which could include a lifetime ban from politics.

The court has removed five prime ministers for different reasons, and all have come from the Shinawatra network.

What are the implications of this pattern?

In a democracy, the government should be chosen through electoral or parliamentary processes, and the impeachment and removal of a leader should be decided through a confidence debate and subsequent parliamentary vote.

We can obviously not wait until the next election, which could be years away, to remove corrupt politicians, but the proper way to do it is through a parliamentary process. The popular will as expressed in elections shouldn’t be overturned by judicial intervention.

This pattern is not healthy because the courts operate without accountability: unlike parliamentarians, judges are not answerable to anyone for their decisions. Additionally, these removals were not justified on the basis of clear legal violations, but on subjective interpretations of broadly defined ethical standards.

What does this mean for the Shinawatra family’s influence?

Paetongtarn is the youngest child of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, founder of Pheu Thai, one of the biggest political parties. In recent elections, Pheu Thai came second to the Move Forward Party, a pro-democracy movement that champions progressive reforms and constitutional change. The fact that Pheu Thai is not in a dominant position anymore reflects Thailand’s changing political priorities, with voters increasingly focused on reducing economic inequality, improving the quality of life and respect for human rights and democratic reforms rather than traditional dynastic politics and pork barrelling.

The family’s troubles extend beyond Paetongtarn. Thaksin, who the Constitutional Court also dismissed in 2006, received an eight-year prison sentence on three corruption charges. He escaped and lived abroad for 15 years, only returning to Thailand last year with a special royal clemency that reduced his sentence to one year in jail. But he announced he would not spend a single night in prison, and in a suspicious turn of events, was transferred to the Police General Hospital, where he stayed for 180 days. Since doctors could not justify such a long hospitalisation, this triggered inquiries that led to a Supreme Court order for him to serve four to six months in prison. He may still request house arrest and could face additional charges for plotting the unjustified hospital stay.

What challenges will civil society face under the new government?

Anutin represents a conservative party that opposes democratic reforms, including the reform of lèse-majesté laws, which criminalise criticism of the royal family. His Bhumjaithai Party (‘Thai Pride’), promotes conservative values and has historically aligned with military interests. It has adopted blue – the royal colour –and doesn’t support amnesty for people imprisoned for criticising the monarchy. After the last election in 2023, it played an important role in blocking Move Forward from forming a government, despite Move Forward having won the most seats, accusing the reformist party of having an anti-monarchy stance.

The Constitutional Court later dissolved Move Forward, which was then rebranded as the People’s Party. When Paetongtarn was removed, the People’s Party voted for Anutin to take office, a decision many of its supporters disliked, but only in exchange for his promise to dissolve parliament within four months and hold a new election. The People’s Party remains in opposition and refuses to join his government.

Anutin’s ascension signals Thailand is moving backwards into a conservative political environment. Civic freedoms are contracting as the space for dissenting voices and differences is shrinking. People who criticise the monarchy will likely face prison sentences more frequently. Advocacy for monarchy reform will likely be prosecuted, and those who voice frustration over unmet government promises or attempt to organise protests are likely to be targeted for harassment, arrest and prosecution.

How might the upcoming election affect Thailand’s political landscape?

Anutin has publicly announced he will dissolve parliament in four months, but there’s no guarantee he will do so. Even if he does, he could remain in power for up to nine months or longer until a new election is announced. There’s no guarantee he will fulfil his agreement with the People’s Party.

It’s unclear what will happen in the next election because the Bhumjaithai Party is rising in support, the People’s Party has lost credibility for supporting Bhumjaithai instead of abstaining and Pheu Thai seems to be finished.