CIVICUS discusses Côte d’Ivoire’s upcoming presidential election with Kaberu Tairu, country representative for Côte d’Ivoire at the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development, a West African think tank specialising in media innovation and development. Founded in Nigeria in 2014, the Centre focuses on investigative journalism, fact-checking and defending freedom of expression, and has expanded its activities to several African countries since 2020.

The election is taking place in a climate of high political tension. Incumbent President Alassane Ouattara’s bid for a fourth term has reignited debates about constitutional term limits, as the constitution used to restrict presidents to two terms before it was revised in 2016. The Constitutional Council has disqualified most candidates, including the most prominent ones. These disqualifications have sparked opposition protests and fuelled fears about election transparency in a country where no presidential election has resulted in a peaceful transfer of power since 1995.

What’s the political context of this election?

The campaign has been dominated by strong polarisation. On 29 July, President Ouattara’s announcement that he would run for a fourth term reignited the controversy surrounding the interpretation of the 2016 constitutional revision. Ouattara and his party, the Rally of Houphouëtists for Democracy and Peace, claim the new constitution erased his first two terms, enabling him to run for two more. However, the opposition strongly disputes this, arguing previous terms should be counted.

Tensions have been further amplified by the Constitutional Council’s rejection of the candidacies of leading opposition figures. Among those excluded from the presidential race are former president Laurent Gbagbo of the African People’s Party-Côte d’Ivoire and former minister Tidjane Thiam of the Democratic Party of Côte d’Ivoire. Gbagbo was disqualified due to a criminal conviction, while Thiam was excluded for irregularities in his application. These disqualifications have sparked opposition protests, including a demonstration in Abidjan on 9 August under the slogan ‘No to a fourth term’.

Of 60 applications submitted to the Independent Electoral Commission, the Constitutional Council validated only five: Ouattara’s, and those of four opponents. Business leader Jean-Louis Billon is trying to appeal to moderate voters, while former first lady and historical figure Simone Ehivet Gbagbo is staging a comeback following the ousting of her ex-husband. Also in the running are two former ministers, Ahoua Don Mello and Henriette Lagou, who struggle to compete with the outgoing president’s resources. Faced with an opposition that is fragmented and weakened by the disqualifications, Ouattara is in a dominant position, bolstered by his achievements in infrastructure and his promise of stability.

What strategies is President Outtara’s campaign using to maintain its advantage?

They are using a combination of strategies. The legal argument of ‘resetting’ terms of office lends institutional legitimacy to Ouattara’s candidacy. The rejection of major candidacies by the Constitutional Council has automatically reduced competition, while the arrests and summonses of opposition leaders are shaping a biased perception of the political debate.

In terms of communication, the presidential camp is emphasising its past achievements and current projects, stressing the importance of continuity and stability in the face of security, economic and monetary challenges.

Disinformation also plays a key role. There has been widespread fake news, conspiracy theories and doom-mongering narratives. These narratives are propagated via often anonymous digital channels. Media outlets and social networks have become battlegrounds where rumours and disinformation circulate widely.

What are voters’ main concerns?

Transparency and fairness are key expectations. Many doubt the integrity of the election, given the controversial disqualifications and concerns about the impartiality of electoral institutions. Young people, who make up around 70 per cent of the population, are demanding tangible improvements in education, employment and political participation. Women demand greater visibility and inclusion in public life.

Security is also a major concern in the northern border areas exposed to terrorism and cities where community tensions persist. Finally, many people feel overwhelmed with misinformation and aspire to access reliable, verified information independent of political interests so they can form an informed opinion.

How can the election be made more transparent?

Civil society must deploy observers, raise awareness among people and carry out rigorous fact-checking. For this, it must be able to act independently, have adequate funding and enjoy free access to the media, candidates and electoral data.

The international community also has a responsibility to fund the development of local capacity, provide transparency technologies and deploy credible election observers. Diplomacy can play a role too, by demanding respect for constitutional norms and promoting dialogue between the government and opposition.

Ultimately, the legitimacy of the election depends on collective effort. Civil society organisations, media outlets, institutions and citizens must all contribute to ensuring the election is credible and inclusive and truly reflects the public will.