CIVICUS discusses Egypt’s transnational repression tactics and civil society’s response with Samar Elhussieny, Executive Director of the Egyptian Human Rights Forum, a civil society organisation founded by Egyptian human rights defenders in exile that supports civil society in Egypt, documents violations and advocates for a democratic future.

Transnational repression by Egyptian authorities has intensified in recent years. Egypt currently detains an estimated 60,000 political prisoners, but leaving the country offers no safe haven, as activists and journalists abroad continue to face surveillance and physical attacks by Egyptian officials. Civil society organisations have urged Egypt to end these practices and called on countries that host exiled Egyptians to meet their obligations to protect human rights defenders under international law.

What does transnational repression mean, and what forms does it take?

There is no universally accepted definition of transnational repression, as the United Nations (UN) and European Union (EU) have not formally defined it. Based on our work, we understand it as the set of practices regimes use to target activists, dissidents and human rights defenders abroad – essentially, an extension of domestic repression beyond borders. It can take digital and physical forms and often exploits bureaucratic or legal mechanisms to harass, intimidate and punish activists abroad.

In the digital realm, we’ve documented phishing attempts, spyware attacks and smear campaigns on social and traditional media. Activists are defamed on Egyptian TV and online, and one case uncovered by Citizen Lab in 2023 showed Egyptian authorities exploiting a flaw in iPhones to put an opposition leader under surveillance.

Repression is often accompanied by physical surveillance and intimidation. We’ve documented Egyptian security agents monitoring activists in European cities, harassing them at public events and subjecting their hotels to surveillance. Proxy punishment is another tactic, where relatives of activists back home are arrested and harassed in retaliation for their work abroad.

Transnational repression can also abuse official administrative and legal mechanisms. For example, authorities have refused consular services, blocked access to passports or identity documents and prevented parents registering their children, effectively rendering them stateless. Activists abroad are often sentenced in absentia, sometimes to life imprisonment, without the possibility of defending themselves. Others are placed on terrorism lists, which can prevent them opening bank accounts and result in them being stopped at airports or deported to Egypt, where they could face enforced disappearance or new charges.

How is Egyptian civil society responding?

Civil society is working together to expose and challenge these practices. A big part of our work is thorough documentation. When I first raised the issue of transnational repression two years ago, many doubted Egypt had the capacity to carry it out. Today, thanks to the evidence and testimonies we’ve gathered, it is recognised as a systematic practice.

We also use creative advocacy – through arts, documentaries and other initiatives – to raise awareness and build solidarity across the region and in Europe. Events at the European Parliament, for example, have helped bring attention to the issue. We also run rapid response groups to provide legal and practical support to those facing extradition threats.

What protection are host countries providing to Egyptian activists and journalists?

Until recently, there were no mechanisms to address transnational repression, but this is starting to change. The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has acknowledged the phenomenon and is exploring ways to respond. The European Commission and Parliament have also made it a priority and have commissioned the first global study on the issue, which included Egypt.

Some European countries, such as Germany and the UK, have begun establishing dedicated units or mandates to tackle transnational repression. However, these efforts remain limited and have arrived late, after the problem had already escalated.

Meanwhile, Egyptian authorities continue to misuse extradition agreements, exploiting regional security cooperation agreements to target activists. Without stronger international safeguards, these risks remain very high.

What should international civil society do to support Egyptian defenders?

International civil society has been supportive, but we need stronger coordination and closer collaboration across countries. This is not just an Egyptian problem: China, Russia, Turkey and others are engaging in similar practices. If we unite around shared demands and a clear vision of the protections and mechanisms needed, we can advocate more effectively at the EU and UN levels.

International organisations must keep amplifying victims’ voices, documenting cases and pressuring governments to act on these violations. Creation of a special rapporteur or mandate on transnational repression at the UN could make a real difference. By raising awareness and holding governments accountable, we can push back against regimes that believe they can repress with impunity, at home and abroad.