‘Greenland is not for sale: Greenlanders are the only ones who can decide their own future’
CIVICUS discusses the US government’s renewed calls to annex Greenland with Rachael Lorna Johnstone, Professor of Law at the University of Akureyri, Iceland.
Donald Trump has revived and escalated US claims over Greenland, arguing the Arctic territory is strategically vital for American security and global power. What began as talk of purchasing the island has evolved into active diplomatic pressure and public suggestions that all options – including the use of force – are on the table. Denmark and Greenland’s leaders have pushed back firmly, insisting Greenland is not for sale and its people alone have the right to decide its future. European allies have lined up behind them, warning that any US coercion would undermine international law and threaten NATO’s unity.
Why has Greenland come back on the international agenda?
Greenland returned to the spotlight at the end of 2025 after Trump revived his push for the USA to obtain the island. In December, he appointed Jeff Landry, the Republican governor of Louisiana, as a so-called US ‘special envoy’ to Greenland. This is an informal and voluntary position, with no diplomatic standing, that is neither confirmed by the US Senate nor accepted by the Kingdom of Denmark.
Earlier in 2025, when Trump said he wanted the US to control Greenland, he still publicly recognised Greenlanders’ right to self-determination. That language has now largely disappeared. Trump and his close allies are arguing that the USA ‘has’ to acquire Greenland because existing cooperation, in place since the Second World War, is no longer enough to meet its needs.
Denmark strongly rejected this rhetoric, and all political parties represented in Greenland’s parliament issued a joint statement on 9 January reaffirming that ‘Greenland is not for sale’ and only Greenlanders can decide their future and their international partners. The message was clear: they do not want to be American or Danish, only Greenlandic.
Why does Greenland matter so much to Trump?
Trump says Greenland is vital to US national security because of its strategic position in the Arctic, particularly in the context of growing competition with China and Russia. He argues only direct US control can guarantee long-term security.
However, the US already has extensive military access under a longstanding 1951 defence agreement on Greenland with Denmark. Under this framework, the USA operates the Pituffik Space Base and has never been prevented from carrying out military activities it has requested. Greenland is also covered by NATO’s collective defence agreement, since Denmark is a NATO member.
This system has benefited the USA directly in the past. NATO’s article 5 commits all members to treat an attack on one as an attack on all. The USA is the only country to have formally invoked this article in the alliance’s history: after the 9/11 attacks, NATO allies, including Denmark, came to the USA’s defence. Denmark sent troops to Afghanistan and lost many soldiers there.
Given this level of existing military access and support, it’s difficult to see how US security needs in Greenland are not already being met.
How realistic is the possibility that the USA would use military force?
It’s hard to predict what tangible steps the USA might take. Trump has not ruled out any option, including the use of force, but a military intervention would come at an enormous cost. Denmark’s prime minister, Mette Frederiksen, and other European leaders have warned that a US attack on Greenland would effectively end NATO, potentially leading allies to close US bases, scale back intelligence cooperation and reduce purchases of US military equipment.
There are also practical limits. The capital, Nuuk, has fewer than 20,000 inhabitants, but Greenland covers over two million square kilometres. Even if the USA could control Nuuk, occupying the territory from coast to coast would be impossible.
For this reason, most Americans who support this idea – and they appear to be a small minority – argue instead for persuading Greenlanders to align with the USA, for example by exercising their right to self-determination to leave the Kingdom of Denmark and join the USA.
How has civil society in Greenland reacted?
Greenlanders have been very clear that they don’t want to move from being the colony of one country to becoming the colony of another. As Sara Olsvig, Chair of Inuit Circumpolar Council, an organisation representing Inuit interests globally, put it: ‘there is no such thing as the better coloniser.’
In Greenland, while it is more than negligible, there is very little public support for joining the USA. While there are different views on how quickly Greenland should change its relationship with Denmark, there is broad agreement on one point: decisions about Greenland’s future must be made by Greenlanders themselves, without external pressure and on their own terms.
What risks does this pose for international law?
Trump has said he’s not constrained by international law, only by his own ‘morality’. Although he later partly retreated from this position and claimed his actions are compatible with international law, the conduct of his administration suggests otherwise. Whether through trade measures and tariffs, the use of force against fishing vessels accused of trafficking, or the abduction of a sitting president, actions suggest his administration is simply not concerned with legal boundaries.
The broader risk is that weakening respect for international law encourages other states to act in the same way. If those norms are eroded, small states and territories are the first to be exposed. They depend on alliances, legal rules and multilateral institutions for protection and trade. Without them, they are left with little defence in a world where power, not rules, decides their fate.
CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.