CIVICUS discusses the potential for a United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on Democracy with Andreas Bummel, founder and executive director of Democracy Without Borders, an international civil society organisation (CSO) that advocates for democracy as a human right.

Civil society is calling on the UN to create a Special Rapporteur on Democracy. The campaign argues that while the UN monitors specific human rights through specialised rapporteurs, democratic freedoms receive no systematic international oversight, even though authoritarian leaders are hollowing out democratic institutions behind democratic facades. The proposed rapporteur would investigate electoral manipulation, judicial capture and civic space restrictions that current mechanisms can’t systematically track. Building on regional precedents such as the Inter-American Democratic Charter and supported by existing legal frameworks, this initiative would provide the early warning system and international attention that democracy defenders need to help counter authoritarian regression.

What does Democracy Without Borders do?

Democracy Without Borders is a CSO that promotes the right to democracy at all levels, from the local to the global. We focus on advancing democratic representation and participation in global institutions. We believe that in our interconnected world, people need to have a say both in domestic decisions and those made at the international level that affect everybody and the entire planet.

Our work includes several key initiatives. We’re building support for a UN Parliamentary Assembly to give elected representatives of the world’s citizens a voice at the UN. We’re also advocating for a UN World Citizens’ Initiative – a mechanism that would allow people worldwide to propose UN policies and resolutions – and promoting the use of Global Citizens’ Assemblies for deliberation. Additionally, we help advance the campaign for the appointment of a UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy.

Why do we need a UN Special Rapporteur dedicated to democracy?

Democratic governance is under threat globally. In many parts of the world, we are witnessing a troubling rise in authoritarianism and democratic backsliding, even in countries with democratic traditions. The latest edition of the V-Dem report shows that for the first time in 20 years, there are more autocracies than democracies in the world. In the past year, 45 countries become more autocratic while only 19 improved. Yet the UN seems to be doing very little about this.

Democracy and human rights are closely interlinked: ultimately, they are two sides of the same coin and do not work without each other. If the UN is serious about advancing human rights, it must tackle democratic backsliding. While the UN human rights system has around 60 Special Procedures mandates, some of which touch on key elements of democracy such as freedoms of association and assembly, there is no dedicated mechanism to monitor and promote democracy as such, particularly from an institutional perspective.

This is a critical gap. A UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy would complement existing mandates and serve as an independent voice in the UN system, tasked with identifying threats to democracy, promoting democratic principles and supporting states in strengthening democratic institutions. It would focus on key areas that are not getting adequate attention, such as election integrity, institutional checks and balances, effectiveness of parliaments and participation. Rather than policing individual countries, the Special Rapporteur would help identify common challenges and good practices.

What benefits would a UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy provide?

First and foremost, a UN Special Rapporteur on Democracy would raise the profile of democracy as a fundamental value and goal of the UN system. The UN has repeatedly confirmed the importance of democratic rights and principles, starting with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 and continuing through Human Rights Council resolutions such as a very recent one on education for democracy that called for action to counter democratic backsliding. This provides a solid foundation for a new mandate.

Rather than starting from scratch, the mandate could examine and amplify existing research efforts to monitor democracy worldwide that are already conducted outside the UN. It would be a significant benefit for a UN-mandated expert to examine and help amplify those insights. The focus would not only be on shortcomings and challenges, but also on identifying and highlighting good practices states can learn from.

The mandate could serve multiple purposes: as a resource for states genuinely committed to building or strengthening their democratic institutions, as a point of engagement for civil society and as a way to identify how weak democratic governance contributes to weak human rights situations overall. All this can complement and amplify the work of other UN mandates.

What’s needed to advance this proposal and what are the obstacles?

The key is to build political momentum among UN member states. We need at least one state in the Human Rights Council to take the lead in proposing the mandate’s creation. Technically, drafting a good resolution wouldn’t be difficult, but the formal move should only happen when there’s majority support.

One major challenge is the politicisation of democracy at the UN, where not all member states are equally enthusiastic about elevating democratic governance as a priority. While all states claim to be democratic, quite a few are not, and they want to avoid potentially being put in the spotlight. Using various excuses, they claim a democracy-related mandate could threaten sovereignty or represents a western-driven agenda. Meanwhile, some democracies also prefer not to touch this subject to avoid creating additional contention or for fear of backlash from authoritarian states, many of which they collaborate with.

Another common excuse is the UN’s dire financial situation. The UN wants to streamline Special Procedures mandates, but this is one of the most cost-effective parts of the UN. Mandate holders work pro bono and receive no pay from the UN; all they need is support staff and funding for some trips. It’s ridiculous to claim this isn’t feasible.

To get a sufficient number of states on board, which I believe is entirely possible, we need continued advocacy by civil society and experts, and to mobilise public opinion and engage diplomats and UN officials.

How is civil society advocating for this mandate?

The idea originated from discussions ahead of the first Summit for Democracy, a US-led international gathering of democratic governments and civil society to address threats to democracy. Following expert consultations, Democracy Without Borders picked it up and started talking to partners. In the months before the 75th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we worked with several organisations, including CIVICUS, to develop a joint platform.

The result was published as a civil society statement in November 2023 outlining the rationale and scope of the proposed mandate. It’s now endorsed by around 180 organisations and networks worldwide and a couple of hundred individuals. We’ve also drafted briefing papers, organised webinars and facilitated meetings with relevant stakeholders.

The campaign is decentralised but coordinated through regular online check-in meetings. Democracy Without Borders and CIVICUS have taken lead roles, but we have many important partners, including the Asia Democracy Network, the Global Democracy Coalition, the Latin American and Caribbean Network on Democracy, Parliamentarians for Global Action and V-Dem.

On Lithuania’s initiative, we’ve presented the proposal to the Community of Democracies and its 30 member states. This year, we co-organised a side event with CIVICUS at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva and a round table discussion during the Oslo Freedom Forum.