CIVICUS discusses Zambia’s upcoming presidential election with Linda Kasonde, Founder and Executive Director of LCK Freedom Foundation, a Zambian civil society organisation working to advance constitutionalism, human rights and the rule of law.

Zambia goes to the polls on 13 August, with President Hakainde Hichilema seeking a second term against a divided but regrouping opposition. The vote comes amid economic discontent, growing civic space restrictions and questions over the neutrality of the institutions meant to guarantee a free and fair election.

Who are the main contenders?

President Hichilema of the United Party for National Development (UPND) is seeking re-election. When he came to power in 2021, he promised to restore the economy, tackle corruption and strengthen human rights and the rule of law, but his record is mixed at best.

Although his government initially engaged with civil society, many of the reforms we advocated for have not materialised. Instead, freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly have eroded and the space for online criticism is shrinking.

Hichilema’s campaign points to achievements such as debt restructuring, increased social cash transfers, greater funding for local development and the introduction of free education. Yet many people judge the government by their daily economic experience. The cost of living has risen sharply, and unemployment remains high, particularly among young people.

Hichilema’s main challenger is Brian Mundubile, who served as provincial minister and parliamentary chief whip under the Patriotic Front (PF) government led by Edgar Lungu, who was defeated by Hichilema in 2021. He’s running alongside Makebi Zulu, who also served under the PF government.

The opposition has been fragmented over the past five years, but has managed to present a united front in the form of a coalition comprising mainly former PF party members under the name the National Reconciliation Party for Unity and Prosperity. Even before Lungu’s death in 2025, the PF was divided by prosecutions of former government officials and disagreements over leadership. Lungu’s death triggered a leadership contest and several political alliances emerged, some of which later broke apart. Both Mundubile and Zulu wanted to lead the opposition, and only in recent months did they reach an agreement to run together.

Along with civic freedom restrictions, the opposition has faced obstacles over campaign financing and party registration, raising concerns about whether it can compete on equal terms.

How is civic space being restricted?

A new cybercrime law has become a key tool of restriction. Under this law, opposition leaders have faced charges for cybercrimes, hate speech and other online offences, while everyday people have been charged for allegedly insulting the president.

These prosecutions have created a chilling effect. Some people say they are now afraid to comment on political issues online because they lack access to legal support, and journalists are increasingly self-censoring.

The law may also be used to keep opposition leaders tied up in criminal proceedings, distracting them from political work and reducing their ability to hold power-holders to account. Anti-corruption legislation, meanwhile, appears to be applied selectively. Allegations against people connected to the government are not receiving the same scrutiny as those against the opposition.

How is civil society working to safeguard the integrity of the vote?

Civil society organisations, particularly the Christian Churches Monitoring Group, one of Zambia’s leading domestic election monitors, are monitoring the process, from the printing of ballot papers to political violence and alleged interference with voters’ identification documents. There have also been recent reports of UPND supporters violently disrupting opposition activities.

But civil society has been weakened by severe funding cuts and political divisions. Some civil society leaders have joined the government, while others have split along political lines. This has reduced civil society’s capacity to advocate strongly and speak with a united voice.

Now there are concerns about whether Hichilema would accept defeat. If he loses and doesn’t concede, civil society will need a lot of regional and global support. International organisations should help monitor the electoral process, support independent election observation and draw attention to threats to civic freedoms and electoral integrity.

What’s needed to strengthen Zambian democracy, and what’s the biggest challenge?

A stronger democracy requires a transparent election process and trust in electoral institutions. Currently, there are concerns about the impartiality and independence of the Electoral Commission, some of whose officials are perceived to have links to the UPND. There are also concerns over the independence of the judiciary, which may be called upon to adjudicate any electoral disputes, possibly including a presidential election petition.

In May 2025, Hichilema signed Statutory Instrument No. 24, which substantially increased judges’ pay. This act bypassed the Emoluments Commission, the only constitutionally mandated body charged with reviewing judges’ pay. This May, Hichilema swore in a record 40 judges to the superior courts, following ratification by the National Assembly. There are concerns about the fact that a great number of them hail from regions that are UPND strongholds. Concerns have also been raised over the ease with which judges can be removed from office. Three constitutional court judges were removed in October 2024 for alleged gross misconduct over their handling of the previous 2016 presidential election petition, which was decided against Hichilema, then the leading opposition presidential candidate.

Since Zambia reintroduced multiparty democracy in 1991, people have repeatedly used elections to hold governments accountable and drive political change. This would be threatened by voter apathy, which is a possibility, although record numbers have already registered to vote. Many people are frustrated because successive governments have promised to improve living conditions, tackle corruption and strengthen democracy, but these promises remain unfulfilled.

A high turnout would show that people still believe they have the power to shape their country’s future. If their choices are respected, the election could reaffirm Zambia’s democratic tradition, a tradition we must keep alive, not only for Zambians but also for others across the continent.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.