Protests have achieved far more than polling numbers suggest. They have raised awareness of the AfD’s positions and the threat they pose and reclaimed public spaces from the far right. They’ve sent a vital message to those targeted by extremist rhetoric: you are not alone. They’ve shown young people that organised opposition to extremism is possible. And they have created enormous pressure on the CDU. These are not small achievements, even if they have not yet shifted electoral outcomes.

Before the COVID-19 pandemic, the climate justice movement dominated Germany’s streets. During lockdowns, far-right conspiracy-driven protests took over public space. The anti-AfD protests were the first time a democratic protest movement reclaimed the streets from the far right. After the cross-party firewall fell, Germany saw the largest pro-democracy protest movement in its history.

This matters, because protests are one of the strongest democratic tools available. Democracy is not abstract, but lived, defended and enacted in the streets.

Consistent direct disruption can be effective. The disruption of the AfD youth congress in Gießen in November is a clear example: a party seeking to consolidate youth support was denied the stage to do so. But disruption has limits. Once democratic consensus erodes and far-right parties become normalised, purely disruptive strategies lose their bite. Constant disruption can reinforce the far-right narrative of persecution and victimhood.

At the Amadeu Antonio Foundation, we take a complementary approach: providing analysis of far-right strategies while financially supporting grassroots democratic movements. The goal is a resilient democracy that doesn’t just react to the far right but builds alternatives. Disruption without vision leaves people demoralised and exhausted.

Fighting the far right requires both resistance and imagination. Disruption keeps extremists on the defensive, but long-term victory requires building an inclusive, economically secure society without the kind of divisions the AfD exploits. Political vision, resource redistribution and genuine inclusion are things disruption alone cannot deliver.

The protests succeeded because many participants were already organised. The climate justice movement provided crucial infrastructure and mobilisation capacity: young people who were highly networked and politically experienced, and who understood large-scale organising. This was not spontaneous outrage; it was experienced movements recognising that climate justice and democracy are inseparable. You cannot address climate change in an authoritarian state.

Every progressive movement builds on what came before. The anti-AfD mobilisation drew on existing structures, relationships and political education built over years of climate organising, which is why the scale and coordination were so impressive. But sustained pressure requires these networks to evolve beyond one-off protests into long-term civic engagement. They cannot be allowed to dissipate once the most acute threat recedes.

The breadth of the coalition, including civil society groups, climate activists, teachers’ associations and trade unions, reflects a wide recognition that the AfD threatens multiple progressive constituencies. The challenge is keeping it together and channelling mobilisation into ongoing political work: running candidates, supporting progressive policies, building alternative visions. That requires sustained commitment beyond the streets.

A purely defeatist perspective means we have already lost. The future is not predetermined. Authoritarian and far-right forces are gaining strength globally, and the AfD receives ideological support from Russia and the MAGA movement in the USA. These international currents create real tailwinds for German extremism.

But Germany’s democracy is resilient. The Basic Law is a carefully articulated ‘never again’, a constitutional framework designed to prevent the return of Nazism. A party ban application to the Federal Constitutional Court remains legally possible, though it is an extraordinary measure with significant risks. Political momentum shifts fast, and constitutional safeguards are only as strong as the democrats who defend and embody them.

What is missing is alignment among democratic parties. Instead of amplifying AfD themes and fears, they must return to their own priorities and solutions. A country where people feel hopeful, included and secure is the greatest threat to the AfD. The AfD thrives on crisis, fear and decline. It is strongest when Germany appears weak. Democratic renewal is the most powerful long-term strategy against the far right. That requires mainstream parties to stop echoing extremist framing and start offering genuine alternatives.