‘By supporting its domestic arms industry, the UK is enabling Israel to commit war crimes in Gaza’
CIVICUS discusses the UK’s partial ban on arms sales to Israel with Emily Apple, Media Coordinator at the Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT), a UK-based civil society organisation working to end the international arms trade.
In response to campaigning and litigation, the UK government recently imposed a partial ban on arms sales to Israel. However, it only cancelled 30 out of 350 licences, which civil society sees as largely symbolic and insufficient. Civil society had challenged UK arms exports to Israel at the High Court, arguing that many of these exports contribute to war crimes and human rights abuses in Gaza. While the ban is a step in the right direction, it falls short because it doesn’t apply to other key exports, such as parts for F-35 jets that are being used to drop bombs on Gaza.
Why has the UK imposed a partial ban on arms sales to Israel?
On 2 September, the UK government announced it was suspending 30 out of around 350 valid export licences for military and dual-use equipment to Israel. Under its arms export criteria, the UK is legally obliged to suspend sales where there is a clear risk that the exported equipment could be used in violation of international humanitarian law. There is substantial evidence Israel is committing serious war crimes in Gaza, causing thousands of civilian deaths and widespread devastation.
While we welcome the partial arms embargo, it doesn’t go nearly far enough. Nevertheless, its implementation is a significant victory for civil society, as we achieved it through a diverse range of pressure tactics, including parliamentary and legal advocacy, including the ongoing case brought by the Global Legal Action Network and Al-Haq against the UK government over arms sales, campaigning by organisations such as ours and partner groups such as the Palestine Solidarity Campaign and direct action by various activist groups, including Workers for a Free Palestine and Palestine Action. This collective effort put immense pressure on the government and exposed its complicity in Israel’s genocide of Palestinian people in Gaza.
Why is a partial ban not enough?
What is not included in this partial ban is the open licence to export components for the F-35 fighter jet, the UK’s most lucrative arms contract with Israel. We estimate this contract has brought in at least £360 million (approx. US$472 million) since 2015. This is often omitted from media reporting because open licences are not tracked in the same way as single licences. Open licences allow companies to export unlimited quantities of specified goods without further reporting, making it difficult to value these exports accurately. We have estimated the value of the F-35 contract based on the number of aircraft we know Israel has received, the value of those aircraft and the fact that UK industry manufactures 15 per cent of each F-35.
There is clear evidence that F-35s have been used to commit violations of international humanitarian law in Gaza and Lebanon. On the day the government announced its partial embargo, Danish civil society organisation Danwatch revealed that in July an F-35 dropped three 2,000-pound (907 kg) bombs on a supposed ‘safe zone’ in Khan Younis, southern Gaza, killing 90 people in an attack that certainly violated international humanitarian law.
The partial ban also excludes components for the Israeli arms trade intended for export to another country. Given the lax controls, there’s no guarantee these components won’t be used directly by the Israeli military. By supporting its domestic arms industry, the UK government is enabling Israel to commit war crimes in Gaza.
In short, while the partial arms embargo is a step forward, the UK is still complicit in Israel’s genocide and continues to breach international law by putting arms companies’ profits before Palestinian lives.
What further action should the UK government take?
The government must immediately impose a two-way arms embargo on all arms sales to Israel. There must be no exceptions or excuses. This must include the Ministry of Defence’s contracts with the Israeli arms company Elbit Systems, even if these contracts are fulfilled in UK factories.
The government must also change its narrative. Despite the atrocities Israel is committing in Gaza, and now also in Lebanon, the UK continues talking about ‘self-defence’. This must stop. Bombing hospitals, killing thousands of civilians and deliberately causing a famine is not self-defence: these are war crimes and must be unequivocally condemned.
How is civil society working to achieve this?
Civil society is keeping up the pressure and building on the momentum that helped achieve the partial arms suspension. The legal case against the UK government is moving forward and we must continue to amplify Palestinian voices while countering the dehumanising narratives being pushed by the Israeli, UK and US governments.
We will also continue to educate politicians, the media and the public about the limitations of the current embargo. We are about to publish a briefing. We will continue to equip campaigners with resources, such as our interactive map of F-35 component manufacturers in the UK, to help them take effective action against this deadly trade and stand in solidarity with Palestinian people.