Across multiple European countries, farmers have taken to the streets, blocking roads with their tractors to protest against a range of national and European Union policies. Among their grievances are recently introduced policies for climate action and environmental protection. States are treating farmers’ protests – some of which have a far-right element – much more leniently than climate protests that cause similar disruption. Civil society calls for governments to recognise all protest rights equally and to address the deeper issue protests point to – the need for a just climate transition in which the costs of change aren’t borne by those with the fewest resources.

It’s become a familiar sight in many a European capital: farmers using their tractors to block roads in protest. Belgium, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Poland are just some of the sites of such protests this year and last.

An array of complaints

Protesting farmers have multiple grievances. They complain of high costs, including of the diesel fuel heavily used in agriculture, which governments have typically subsidised, and of transport and agricultural fertilisers. They say it’s increasingly difficult to make a living from farming, with profits falling amid high prices. They object to what they see as excessive national and European Union (EU) laws and regulations, including climate and environmental rules.

They also blame food imports from outside the EU, including Ukrainian grain, for undercutting them: the EU temporarily lifted restrictions on Ukrainian grain and other produce after Russia launched its full-scale invasion in 2022. In response, farmers in Poland have protested by dumping grain. Farmers now fear the potential impacts of a deal the EU is negotiating with Mercosur, South America’s free-trade bloc.

Often protests have been sparked by national-level policies. In France, the most recent demonstrations were activated by a government plan to cut diesel tax breaks. A similar proposal gave rise to protests in Germany.

And these demonstrations have had an impact: the French government shelved a plan to cut pesticides use and dropped its tax changes, while the German administration softened them, committing to make cuts gradually rather than all at once. Last month the EU watered down its draft Nature Restoration Law, which commits to restoring 20 per cent of degraded land and sea areas by 2030, in the wake of protests in Brussels and pressure from right-wing parties. The law may not pass, since several states have now withdrawn their support. Just recently the EU has also proposed a cap on some Ukrainian imports. But these concessions haven’t dissipated disaffection.

One of the challenges for many in civil society is that several of the measures farmers object to have been introduced to try to meet climate and environmental goals. Many governments have promised to achieve net zero greenhouse gas emissions by a target date, and some have been forced to show more ambition due to court cases brought by climate action groups.

One of the biggest shows of protest by farmers in recent years has come in the Netherlands, opposing the government’s introduction of nitrogen emissions cuts, following a civil society lawsuit that found it in breach of EU environmental laws. In this agricultural superpower, the government’s actions have proved hugely divisive. It offered farmers money to cut livestock numbers or close farms, but they protested in their thousands, blocking roads with tractors and spreading waste and hay.

A just transition and a broken food system

The issue behind recent protests in France and Germany, fossil fuel subsidies, is undoubtedly part of the climate problem. By keeping fuel prices artificially low, subsidies help perpetuate the lethal oil and gas industry and slow down the transition to renewable energy use. And their scale is huge: the International Monetary Fund estimates that annual global fossil fuel subsidies amount to around US$7 trillion, over 7 per cent of the world’s GDP.

But whenever governments try to cut subsidies in ways that impose higher costs on those already struggling, people protest. In Nigeria, new President Bola Tinubu announced a shock withdrawal of petrol subsidies shortly after taking office following the February 2023 election, provoking labour strikes. Indonesia’s government faced a wave of protests in 2022 for slashing its subsidies. A sudden end to car-fuel subsidies in Kazakhstan earlier that year saw thousands take to the streets, a rare event in the authoritarian state, forcing the government to quickly reverse its policy.

The same challenge can be seen with other climate and environmental measures, including those affecting agriculture. States make changes, often with reference to climate change, but they don’t provide safety nets or offer alternatives. These means they hit people with the fewest resources hardest.

Civil society wants climate action but calls for a just climate transition – which means moving to an economy that’s fair and inclusive and supporting people through the change – rather than technocratic policy fixes that reproduce existing patterns of unfairness and inequality. Withdrawal of subsidies and other changes must come with alternatives that don’t penalise people.

Many small farmers in Europe are indeed struggling to make ends meet, squeezed by high costs they’re not entirely able to pass on to customers, unable to compete with giant agribusiness concerns and pressured to keep wholesale prices low by huge supermarket chains. They’re also feeling the impacts of climate change, which is making extreme weather such as droughts and heatwaves more likely. They see a sector in decline, with few young people planning to go into farming.

Voices from the frontline

Karin Van Boxtel is Co Interim Director of BOTH ENDS, a Dutch civil society organisation working with environmental groups in African, Asian and Latin American countries towards a sustainable, fair and inclusive world.

 

It is essential to recognise the diversity within the farmers’ community. Some are frontrunners and champions of sustainability and others aspire to be but face systemic obstacles, including lack of access to funding and land, challenges posed by the trade system and competition from imports. And then there’s a smaller group of farmers who simply resist change, but their influence is huge. We should focus on supporting the first two groups – helping frontrunners maintain their status and facilitating the transition for those aspiring to be frontrunners.

The existing system fails to reward the right behaviours and doesn’t offer any long-term security through a combination of misdirected finances and improper trade rules.

Farmers’ protests are therefore revealing a systemic problem. Farmers are battling a system that doesn’t provide the right incentives and doesn’t reward those who are pioneers in sustainability. They also feel they aren’t receiving the recognition they deserve.

Farmers are being negatively affected because governments are adopting measures that are beneficial for the climate but forget to include people. A climate transition is not enough – what’s needed is a just climate transition. This means a just energy transition and, equally importantly, a just food transition.

When designing climate measures, it is crucial to listen to and consider the needs of frontrunner and aspiring frontrunner farmers. This is different from prioritising the interests of agricultural giants, such as companies producing animal feed or those engaged in trading agricultural products.

The far right is exploiting farmers’ perceptions of current climate measures as unjust. It is capitalising on the gaps in solutions identified by civil society, transition thinkers and frontrunner farmers all over the world.

We realise many climate measures are having unfair effects. The challenge lies in ensuring that money financing the climate transition reaches farmers, particularly frontrunners, rather than the same companies that have so greatly contributed to the problems those measures are trying to address.

A key element of the far right’s appeal is that they offer false hope to those who are reluctant to transition and reject any change. They offer simplistic solutions that don’t address the issue at its root, and are therefore not real solutions.

Civil society believes that a real solution requires a power shift, a systemic change in the trade and financial systems. This idea unites farmers’ organisations currently protesting in Europe and worldwide. Notably, despite apparent differences in viewpoints, in the Netherlands Extinction Rebellion supported farmers’ protests. This is because they also recognise the need for a structural power shift.

 

This is an edited extract of our conversation with Karin. Read the full interview here.

As well as the effects of climate and environmental policies, farmers’ protests call into question the connected and thorny question of food policy. Civil society has long criticised the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), a circa US$60 billion-a-year scheme that provides financial support for farmers. Among the criticisms is that it encourages overproduction, advantages bigger farmers, who overwhelmingly receive funding, and has harmful environmental consequences, including by incentivising pesticides use rather than sustainable practices. Many farmers also see it as overly bureaucratic, top-down and intrusive.

Global south countries view the CAP as a trade barrier that obstructs their exports to the EU. But when the EU does deals to allow more exports from the global south, as is currently on the cards with Mercosur, it’s the turn of European farmers complain they can’t compete.

Recent changes have made few happy. In 2020 the EU introduced a European Green Deal aimed at achieving net zero status by 2050. This included the Farm to Fork strategy, which seeks to make agriculture less harmful to the environment and encourage healthier food habits, but there’s been little progress on this front. The following year, and after more than three years of negotiations between states, the EU changed the CAP to give more focus on rural development. Environmental groups criticised it as a missed opportunity and accused the EU of greenwashing, with the changes failing to make progress on greenhouse gas emissions cuts, while many farmers saw the changes as adding to their burden.

From both an agriculture and climate perspective, the world food system clearly isn’t working. The planet is simultaneously home to crises of hunger and obesity. Ultra-processed foods are linked to numerous health problems. Agriculture, forestry and other forms of land use account for almost a quarter of global greenhouse gas emissions and food miles – the distance from farm to plate – are a significant contributor too, disproportionately caused by food imports by global north countries. It’s a global problem that needs a global solution, but that isn’t on offer. Instead, much more narrow national and regional approaches are being pursued that globally are incoherent.

Far right joins the bandwagon

Political forces are making global solutions less likely. Right-wing populist and nationalist parties – such as France’s National Rally and Germany’s Alternative for Germany (AfD) – are trying to co-opt farmers’ protests for political advantage. Far-right groups have reportedly taken part in protests in Germany and Poland.

In the Netherlands, a new right-wing populist party sprung up, positioning itself as the political representative of protesting farmers and coming first in provincial elections in March 2023. It proved the most enthusiastic backer of a failed bid to put far-right populist politician Geert Wilders in power following the country’s December 2023 national election.

Far-right parties consistently oppose climate action and are rising in the polls across Europe. They expect to make significant headway in June European Parliament elections, which will only make reform to tackle the climate crisis and fix the food system less likely.

Voices from the frontline

Jakob Guhl is Senior Manager, Policy and Research at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, Germany, an organisation that works to safeguard human rights and reverse the rising tide of polarisation, extremism and disinformation worldwide.

 

When AfD was established in 2013, its main focus was opposition to EU and German policies in response to the financial crisis. It was born as an anti-EU and anti-Euro party that advocated against providing financial support to Greece and other countries particularly affected by the crisis, and against the EU collective debt mechanism.

Starting in 2015, with the beginning of the so-called migration crisis, AfD shifted towards an anti-refugee and anti-Muslim discourse, depicting Islam and Muslims as alien to Germany. AfD politicians openly cooperated with the pan-European, anti-Islam, far-right political movement Pegida – Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the West. AfD members frequently appear as speakers at their events.

During the mass protests that took place against measures to curb the spread of COVID-19, AfD was part of a broad coalition promoting COVID-19 denial and anti-lockdown narratives. The coalition included ‘new right’ groups, Holocaust deniers and conspiracy theorists, among others.

Recently, AfD and other far-right groups have tried to hijack and instrumentalise farmers’ protest over subsidy cuts, seeing them as an opportunity to undermine the government. While far-right symbols and AfD speakers have been present in these protests, the official associations of farmers have clearly distanced themselves from the far right. It is important not to stigmatise the farmers’ movement as a whole as being infiltrated by the far right, as they have completely legitimate concerns about agricultural subsidy cuts, while at the same time being alert to far-right attempts to hijack these protests.

 

This is an edited extract of our conversation with Jakob. Read the full interview here.

Far-right parties and groups by no means speak for all farmers, who cover the political spectrum. But they’re the loudest voices, and they’re dragging the spotlight way from the reasoned debate needed.

There’s another important point of view that must be heard. Europe is home to vibrant mass climate movements calling on governments and companies to urgently cut greenhouse gas emissions, stop using fossil fuels and ensure a just transition.

But in a disturbing trend, climate protests are being treated differently to those staged by farmers. European states that used to have good records of respecting people’s rights to protest and express dissent are increasingly repressing the climate movement, including through introducing anti-protest laws, criminalising activists and vilifying them. This has often come in retaliation to tactics such as roadblocks and other forms of non-violent direct action that protesters use to communicate the urgent need for action.

The climate movement can see that when farmers use similar tactics of non-violent disruption they aren’t being targeted with the same level of repression. In the Netherlands, police have detained thousands for taking part in roadblock protests to demand the government keep its promise to end fossil fuel subsidies. Farmers blocking roads with their tractors haven’t faced detention in anything like the same numbers. In the UK, the same ruling party that passed a suite of laws targeting climate protests also recently supported a roadblock protest by farmers in Wales, where it doesn’t control the devolved government.

Farmers have a right to protest. But rights shouldn’t be applied selectively: everyone’s protest rights must be respected.

Looking ahead, there’s a need to find the common ground between the climate movement and farmers – particularly small-scale farmers already concerned about sustainability – in Europe and around the world. In Italy, farmers recently protested to demand support in the wake of a destructive drought, pointing to the joined-up response needed. Cutting environmental regulations ultimately isn’t going to stop the decline many small-scale European farmers are experiencing, and it can only worsen the disruptive impacts of climate change on their livelihoods.

Patchwork solutions aren’t going to work: comprehensive policies are needed to deal with the many facets of the problem at the global level. An urgent debate is needed about reforming the global food system as part of a just climate transition.

OUR CALLS TO ACTION

  • States must respect the protest rights both of farmers’ groups and the climate movement, including their right to take non-violent direct action.
  • European states should commit to upholding and implementing the European Green Deal, including by providing support for a just transition.
  • Farmers’ groups should take steps to avoid being co-opted by the far right.

Cover photo by Fabrice Coffrini/ AFP via Getty Images