‘People expressed at the ballot box their frustration over the economic crisis and political corruption’
CIVICUS discusses Sri Lanka’s recent presidential election with Freddy Gamage, an independent journalist and human rights defender.
Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the left-wing National People’s Power (NPP) party, will be Sri Lanka’s next president. Dissanayake won 42.3 per cent of votes in the first round of counting, with his nearest rival on just under 33 per cent. When voters’ second preferences were counted, Dissanayake was elected with almost 56 per cent of the vote. The election was peaceful and voter turnout was high. The NPP, a classic Marxist party that has taken a more moderate direction in recent years, rose to prominence during mass protests in 2022 and ran a campaign focused on corruption and economic mismanagement. The new government will face the challenge of reviving Sri Lanka’s economy and reducing poverty.
How free and fair was the election, and what role did civil society play in it?
The election was widely regarded as one of the most transparent and conflict-free in Sri Lanka’s recent history, with no incidents that could have affected the outcome. Civil society and media organisations played a critical role in ensuring its integrity, and monitoring organisations, including the election commissioner, hailed it as a milestone for our democracy.
Civil society and election observation groups were very active. They trained observers and deployed them on election day. They also led initiatives such as the March 12 Movement, which contributed to a healthy public dialogue on corruption and unfit candidates.
New media also played an influential role, often reaching and engaging with more people than traditional media. However, some media outlets, both new and traditional, operated with clear political bias or put profit over journalistic integrity, confirming that it remains a challenge to promote a culture of ethical journalism.
It’s worth noting that traditional civil society organisations weren’t as visible in the people’s movement, both in the capital, Colombo and in regional centres. Whether these groups have adequately assessed their role—or lack of role — in public mobilisation is uncertain. Such an assessment would be essential for shaping civil society’s role in future civic struggles.
Why was voter turnout so high?
Turnout has been consistently high over time, but in this case I think it was driven by widespread dissatisfaction with the political and economic status quo.
While outgoing President Ranil Wickremesinghe put forward an economic plan he said would address the economic crisis and mitigate its effects, voters largely rejected him and other long-serving politicians in favour of new leadership. They showed they’re tired of the systemic corruption that has long undermined democratic institutions, particularly at the local level, where government bodies that have a direct impact on people’s daily lives often prioritise the interests of powerful individuals over the public good.
Many saw this election as a continuation of the protest movement against unaccountable and unpopular leaders that began in 2022. People realised their collective voice could counterbalance power and wealth and expressed at the ballot box their frustration with the economic crisis and political corruption.
What do the election results mean for the future of Sri Lankan democracy?
I’ve been working for the aspirations of people from the Tamil minority for many decades and believe that Tamil-speaking people in the Northern and Eastern provinces have expressed their political opinion very clearly in this election. There’s a serious accusation from the Tamil people that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) party, which led the NPP, also contributed in various ways to Sri Lanka’s brutal 30-year civil war. There’s long been strong opposition to the JVP’s failure to stand up for the rights of Tamil people.
That’s why in this election the NPP received a very low percentage of votes in the north and east. But this is not just about this party or political parties in general, but also about civil society groups in the south and religious leaders in particular, and whether they’ve been sincere in addressing the problems of Tamil-speaking people. For many years, social and political activists in the south have barely supported longstanding struggles for justice by the families of disappeared people and the 39 Tamil journalists and media workers who’ve been killed.
It’s because no political force in the south has supported the aspirations of Tamil people that a Tamil presidential candidate came forward. The new president now faces the challenge of establishing national unity and lasting peace, which can only happen if these challenges are addressed. Otherwise, Tamil-speaking people will continue to have no political allegiance to the south.