CIVICUS discusses Mozambique’s recent election with Umar Aly, a development specialist and member of the National Union of Students (UNE), a platform of Mozambican student associations and a CIVICUS Digital Democracy Initiative partner.

Votes are still being counted, but it’s already clear that Mozambique’s 9 October general election was marked by low voter turnout, estimated at around 35 per cent. Although President Filipe Nyusi of the ruling Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) is stepping down after serving the maximum two terms, there are no real prospects of the party losing power. Early returns put FRELIMO’s Daniel Chapo in first place, followed by independent candidate Venâncio Mondlane, with Ossufo Momade of the main opposition party, the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO), third. There have been allegations of vote-rigging and manipulation.

Was the recent election free and fair?

The recent election was largely peaceful, which was a significant improvement over previous cycles. However, there were still concerns about the fairness of the process, with allegations of irregularities and vote-rigging – although there was little hard evidence to support these claims.

Mondlane, an independent candidate leading a new party, the Optimistic Party for the Development of Mozambique, emerged as a key opposition figure, challenging FRELIMO’s dominance and energising younger voters, particularly in cities such as Maputo, the capital, and Beira and Nampula. He mobilised the frustration of young people, largely dissatisfied with corruption and the government’s slow response to issues such as unemployment and access to education and healthcare. But Chapo, who brought generational renewal to FRELIMO, also inspired some enthusiasm.

In any case, FRELIMO maintains a strong grip on power, and its chances of losing power were slim. The rural-urban divide played a crucial role, with young urban people pushing for change but FRELIMO retaining strong support in rural areas, where most people live and where voters with limited access to information and resources remain loyal. Even in urban areas, where some expected a closer race, FRELIMO has deep roots and strong grassroots organisation.

Following the election, Mondlane proclaimed himself president-elect and urged a nationwide strike on 21 October. I think it was unwise to do so before the official results were announced. In response to this, his supporters took to the streets in protest, and security forces used violence, including live ammunition, to disperse them. People were hurt and public and private infrastructure was destroyed. The most appropriate mechanism should be to discuss the results in relevant forums, once they are officially published.

Why was voter turnout so low, and how does this affect the legitimacy of the results?

Turnout in Maputo was significantly lower than in previous elections. A major problem was that voters were required to vote in their original place of registration. Many who had moved found it hard or unfeasible to return to their original polling station. This ultimately discouraged many from voting.

There were also logistical challenges. Long queues at polling stations discouraged older people, who often left without casting their votes.

In regions such as Cabo Delgado, insecurity and instability were also major problems. Conflict and displacement meant many people lost important documents, including voter cards. In addition, the ongoing violence has led to a growing mistrust of the government among affected communities. This, combined with safety concerns, further discouraged people from voting.

While low turnout in areas such as Cabo Delgado and Maputo is a cause for concern, however, it doesn’t necessarily undermine the legitimacy of the election, which saw higher turnout in other provinces. But these problems must be addressed in future elections so all citizens can vote freely and without fear.

Did you observe increased restrictions on civic space in the run-up to the election?

While I did not observe increased restrictions ahead of the election, it’s crucial to acknowledge that there is always room for improvement. The relationship between the government, police and the media should prioritise transparency and openness. It is essential to strengthen protections for activists and journalists, as they play a critical role in ensuring elections are fair, transparent and accountable. Fostering such an environment will safeguard democratic processes and promote trust and confidence among the public.

What role did civil society play in the electoral process?

Civil society played a meaningful role in voter education and election monitoring. However, it faced challenges, particularly in rural areas. Civil society organisations are mostly based in major cities and have limited reach elsewhere. As a result, many rural voters had less access to accurate information about the electoral process and were sometimes influenced by disinformation. In some parts of the country there was also a lack of oversight.

It will be key to expand civil society’s presence in rural areas to help address concerns about voter representation and electoral fairness.

How do you see the future of democracy in Mozambique?

I see the emergence of new political parties and opposition figures as a promising development because it introduces more competition. For the first time, we may see four political parties represented in the National Assembly, signalling a shift towards greater political pluralism.

However, the main challenge for the ruling and opposition parties will be to reconnect with people, particularly young people. Political parties have largely prioritised their internal strategies rather than addressing voters’ pressing concerns, particularly in rural areas. New political parties will need to engage with these communities if they are to challenge FRELIMO’s entrenched influence.

Security is another key obstacle to democratic progress, particularly in northern provinces such as Cabo Delgado. Violence not only disrupts daily life but also undermines democratic participation. Peace and stability are prerequisites for restoring confidence in state institutions and bringing genuine democracy.

Mozambique’s path to democracy must involve all sections of society, particularly rural communities and young people. The country’s most pressing problems – high unemployment, limited educational opportunities and inadequate healthcare – disproportionately affect young people, who make up the majority of the population. For a genuine democratic transition to take place, young people must have a real voice in decision-making.

Support from the international community is needed to undertake electoral reform, address security challenges, improve voter access and empower civil society to participate in governance. International partnerships should focus on building robust democratic institutions and supporting emerging opposition parties so they can effectively challenge the status quo. This would give Mozambique the chance to become a democratic and progressive nation.

The opinions expressed in this interview are those of the interviewee and do not necessarily reflect the views of CIVICUS.